Tag: Economics

  • What’s really behind the loneliness epidemic and the friendship recession?

    A deep dive, with clues from my life’s journey

    Love. Alexander Milov. Burning Man 2015. Source: Swell Health

    It’s all over the pundit-o-sphere: we’re in a full-on friendship recession. There’s an epidemic of loneliness. Fewer and fewer people say they have a broad friend circle, and a surprising number say they have no close friends at all.

    On the surface, at least in safe(r) Western countries, this almost doesn’t make sense: in spite of all the turmoil worldwide, we live in unprecedented times for connection and communication. If nothing else, you’d think the bounce-back from Covid—manifested in a frenzy of revenge travel—would see people socializing like never before. Heck, even our age’s extant turmoil and uncertainty should help: bringing people together to organize, protest, collectively try to right wrongs—and possibly form lifelong friends in the process. We’re supposed to be living in the age of the global village.

    So what gives?

    Everyone’s quick to blame social networks and smartphones, and while I think there’s truth in that, it feels like technology’s more a symptom than a cause; plus, these innovations were built to improve communication, not pull us apart.

    What I’ve learned from my own journey

    Young Me. Hallandale Beach, Florida, early 1970s.

    Each of us is a world in microcosm—which is why a movie like Inside Out resonates so strongly. This suggests we all may have a little friendship recession living in us.

    For me, it came early, anticipating these trends. Closeted gay nerds growing up in the 1980s were practically tailor-made for a loneliness epidemic. Sometimes it even seemed like even the people I counted as friends weren’t so tolerant of my own personal flavor of freak flag. This went double growing up in a small, close-knit, homogeneous community.

    In my case, there seemed like no way out. Like the pale blue dot we live on, or the inner world of our minds, my community was all I knew. And for all that it wasn’t too open to outsiders like myself, I figured it could only be even worse in the big bad world outside.

    Then, one summer after high school, the paradigm exploded: for one thing, I took a step outside my world, and by golly, it was amazing; for another, my parents experienced a big, traumatic falling-out with their closest friend circle. Boom. Pop goes the world.

    In the wake of all that, two things became apparent: one, the little sphere of our youth is rarely, if ever, unshakeable; two, great! There was a whole world out there, offering—maybe, possibly—better options than my origin point.

    I’m not sure if it’s because of what happened with my parents, or simply due of the inherent transience of seeking community outside one’s origin point; whatever the reasons, and however more I found my footing and identity in the big world, I never managed to fully shake the friendship recession. Sure, I got great people in my life, but so many more once-great connections have come and gone. And all too many of them took the form of wrenching estrangements—the so-called friendship divorce.

    The reasons for these are myriad and complicated, as they often are; I think we’d all be deluding ourselves if we believed that all our estrangements were purely the other person’s fault. Still, regardless of the causes or who’s to blame, we are as much defined by our estrangements as we are by those who stick around.

    I think I’m not alone in this, believing that the hill of beans that is our life in this crazy world mirrors something bigger. I mean, think about it: if it’s established that in the past people had more friends and socialized more—then…where did all those friendships go?

    To help answer that, let’s go deeper into the past, to a time when it all seemed right. Back to the Good Old Days, when the Baby Boomers were kids.

    The Good Old Days: were they really that good?

    Stand By Me. 1986 film. Source: GoldenGlobes.com

    We’ve heard it many times, How Things Used To Be. When parents belonged to churches, rotary clubs, and bowling leagues; when kids played together until dark, unencumbered by technology, with only their bikes, their park swings, and their imaginations to live out an idyllic childhood.

    I don’t think that’s totally off-base. But I also don’t think it’s the whole picture.

    Like World War II vets who seldom acknowledged that war’s horrors—it took Saving Private Ryan, a half-century on, to explode that John Wayne myth—I suspect Boomers, the generation before mine, often don’t acknowledge how tough it was for them beneath the surface of their idealized past.

    Never mind the obvious parts, like how awful it was for most anyone LGBTQ+, or for people of color; even in the catbird seat of the white middle-class, people had to live with the distant but plausible shadow of nuclear apocalypse. Closer to home, the established social harmony concealed what was beneath the surface. Example: take the movie Stand by Me, possibly the quintessential Boomer nostalgia feast. Its closing line, typed by its author, the adult recounting the story decades later:

    I never had any friends later on like the ones I had when I was twelve. Jesus, does anyone?

    Maybe the statement was intended to be more ironic than anyone realized. I recently did a full rewatch of this 1986 classic, and…holy crap. Has anybody misty for the Good Old Days actually seen this movie? Those kids, the film’s main characters, these loyal-till-death-do-us-part buddies, are basically total jerks to each other. Their friendship consists of trash-talking and insults. They behave like worst enemies, only briefly punctuated by moments of heart-rending vulnerability. Once this may have been called just boys being boys; but I think I see why the term toxic masculinity came about.

    Not that they don’t come by their horrible behavior unfairly: they’re all from messed-up backgrounds riddled with sadness, anger, and abuse; they’re repeatedly bullied by a gang of older kids; heck, the entire adventure that’s the movie’s McGuffin consists of an overnight camping trip…to go see a dead body. If you ask me, this tale — based on a Stephen King novella — is way more frightening than anything the author cooked up in his ghost stories (full disclosure: huge fan).

    Why things are worse now (but shouldn’t be)

    OK, then. Coming back to now, when we live in so much more enlightened, aware, attuned—dare I call them “woke” times—then…why don’t we have the opposite of a friendship recession? Are all of us just whiny, ungrateful brats, willfully isolating ourselves, too obtuse to see just how gosh-darned good we have it?

    Photo by Geoffroy Hauwen on Unsplash

    It’s important to remember that aggregate statistics of how good everything is—GDP per capita, median wealth, average life expectancy, and the rest—obscure a reality author William Gibson predicted and has become a trope if not a cliché: The future is here, it’s just not equally distributed.

    Much ink has been spilled on how the past fifty years have been decidedly different than the century that preceded it. Some have called it the post-industrial age, where computing and communication technology overshadowed industrial-era innovations (think about how similar today’s passenger jets are from those of the 1970s, compared with computing devices from then and now). But there are two sharply opposing trends that also define the age, the past half-century, the era in which the friendship recession and loneliness epidemic took root.

    Trend One: Free to be…you and me

    By epiclectic. Fair use via Wikipedia

    I actually think the forces on the political right have a point about what they now call wokeness: we do live in times of greater emotional fragility. All that stuff repressed by the GIs in World War II, and even many of the Boomers, their kids—empathy, sensitivity, emotional awareness—are front and center now. Maybe it started with the Flower Children of the 1960s. Maybe it took off after Oprah made child abuse her cause célèbre, starting in the 1980s. Whatever the sequence of events, Gen X (a.k.a. my crowd) arrived into a world that idealized connection, kindness, and—yes—companionship. Consider the 1970s kids’ album (and companion TV special) Free to Be…You and Me; I still get choked up listening to songs like “Glad to Have a Friend Like You,” about an oddball boy and girl who become best mates, bonding over baking cakes and fishing.

    There’s more: consider Sesame Street, Mister Rogers, or any number of 1980s sitcoms. Again and again, there’s the unshakable bond among friends. Go further, and you’ll find amity on Star Trek’s Enterprise, with the Skywalker gang from Star Wars, or, heck, on practically any buddy cop show.

    Thing is, all this apparent warmth and connection—as represented in media and on the surface perceptions of other people’s lives—crashes against the other big force of the past half-century.

    I’m talking, of course, about the rise of full-contact capitalism.

    Trend Two: Greed is good, and those other ideas lying around

    Photo by Anjo Clacino on Unsplash

    Even as popular culture lionized friendship, another trend was rising. Call it the flip side of eliminating the more coercive, hypocritical old-school social organizations of yore—let’s be honest, how many of those Rotary Club regulars actually liked each other? The 1970s saw the rise of the Me Generation. Surprisingly, this trend really found purchase on the economic side of things.

    And that’s where, I think, things really came undone.

    There’s nothing inevitable about sixties idealism’s push toward individual expression somehow ending us up in a Gilded Age-style plutocracy. But that’s how it panned out: a legitimate rejection of the stultifying 1950s, with its merciless cutting down of any tall poppies (or, more accurately, the odd-shaped poppies) among us.

    But we never fully replaced the institutions of 1950s; instead, we embraced a hardcore flavor of individualism to take care of everything. Then, the rival economic system, one where everyone called each other comrade, crumbled almost overnight. It took economist Milton Friedman, and his ideas lying around, to come to the fore. We transitioned from Free to Be…You and Me to Greed Works.

    And I think we broke friendship in the process.

    Don’t believe me? Hear the ever-quotable Gordon Gekko once more:

    If you need a friend, get a dog.

    What this meant, in our everyday social workaday spheres, was that, while, sure, we were ever more free to be who and do what we wanted, we were also now in throat-throttling competition with everybody else for a diminishing share of the economic pie. We replaced the Boomer childhood of a broad-based middle class with the classes on the Titanic: a huge majority with little or no economic security (90% of the population); a smallish minority of upper-middle-class (the top 90–99% of the economic distribution); all of whom fight constantly to belong to the top 1% (those whose income is derived from wealth).

    BFF platitudes die hard in a zero-sum world. Friendships become increasingly transactional. It puts even the strongest of bonds under strain. When so much of life feels like a desperate race, a high-stakes competition for status, standing, and material security, personal connection is the first and biggest thing to suffer.

    The four horsemen of the friendship apocalypse

    Photo by christophe Dutour on Unsplash

    Of course, none of this is totally unprecedented: people have fallen in and out of friendships (and love, and familial bonds) for as long as there have been people. But this flavor of it has its own causes and behaviors. To add to all the ink that’s been poured into this subject, let me add my own perspective. I can identify four personality traits that serve to shatter friendships. I believe we all retain bits of these traits; however, in an era where everyone’s scrambling for the same few lifeboats, any of these traits is liable to metastasize and take us over.

    Highlight-reeling

    Photo by Guille Álvarez on Unsplash

    We all know this one, a potent force in our fake it till you make it culture. We’ve all heard tales of other people’s fantastic lives, fabulous careers, endless circles of friends, flawless marriages. An effortless, perfectly curated life made manifest by the power of the prosperity gospel.

    What’s wrong with that? Doesn’t a life well lived deserve to be flaunted? Is it not virtuous to be happy for the good, fulfilling lives of others? Sure…but that’s not what highlight-reeling’s about. It’s never about a comprehensive picture of what’s really going on in someone’s head or life. Plus, it’s not about you sharing in their bounty. As I’ve experienced it, highlight-reeling seems intended to make others feel worse. Maybe to weaken them, a little, stifle them as prospective competition.

    Counter-point: isn’t resenting highlight-reeling just jealousy in disguise? Actually, yes. But that’s sort-of the point. Highlight-reeling’s patently fictional depictions of existence are such that it’s hard not to be jealous—even if we know, somewhere in the recesses of our brains, that it’s mostly a fake-out.

    As with all of these behaviors, I recognize there’s more going on with highlight-reelers under the surface. Oftentimes, it conceals real inner pain that our competitive society discourages us from expressing. Whatever’s going on inside, highlight-reeling has now reached the commanding heights: our re-minted President practically embodies this trait.

    But you don’t have to limit it to the top: find me any large-ish group of friends and it’s fairly likely there’s some measure of highlight-reeling going on.

    The hard-luck case

    Photo by Blake Cheek on Unsplash

    For a long time I was drawn to folks in this state. In fact, for a long time I thought I was this state. It’s seductive: hard-luck cases form powerful bonds, and for good reason. Podcaster professor Scott Galloway, in an aptly-titled blog post, points out that “the cocktail that’s made us the apex of apex predators is cooperation on the rocks of conflict.”

    So how can it go wrong? Simple: circumstances (and people) change.

    Again, this is nothing new or unique to our times, but in our present-day über-capitalist world—where job security, affordable housing, college, health care, and retirement have become lottery-ticket uncertain—it’s especially fraught. Even among those who start at similar places, or in the same friend circle. With the unpredictable socio-economic sorting that goes on these days, not everyone ends up in the same place. Some might make it, find their footing, establish themselves even if they began life as hard-luck cases…and some do not.

    The great ideological fault line

    Photo by Alex Haney on Unsplash

    We’ve heard endless talk about why we’re polarized politically; I maintain it’s the same reason we’re polarized socially. It’s not because of disagreements in the margins about taxation rates, or the effective role of government in a society. It’s because the two political philosophies of our age—roughly characterized for the past two centuries as Right and Left—have divided the world into camps built out of different ways of looking at the world.

    It’s been said the the Left borrows from Rousseau, with his ideas that people are naturally good; it’s only modern civilization that’s messed us up, divided us against each other. Put us back in nature, out of our so-called civilization, and we’d get along a lot better.

    The Right, by contrast, is said to stem from Hobbes, who believed that, without a strong, hierarchical order, we’d regress to savagery. Hobbes’ catchphrase for his take on the state of nature has become legendary: nasty, brutish, and short. It’s also often termed human nature, which is supposedly something utterly immutable and irretrievably selfish.

    Friends have been having political debates since time immemorial; but in today’s climate, it’s particularly charged. Each side views the other as an existential threat, and how could it not? When so few have economic security, whatever side they’re on feels like it’s fighting the last battle to save the world. This acts like a jet turbine for our belief systems. While it’s less common for friendships to end due to political shifts, the mere fact that we’re sorted into these tribes in the first place eliminates large swaths of the population from ever commingling in the first place.

    Friends with money, entitlement, and other asymmetries

    Photo by Alexander Mils on Unsplash

    While highlight-reeling is an attempt to sow inequality where it doesn’t exist, and hard-luck cases are embattled allies taking on the Empire together, there’s another dimension that inequality has foisted upon our friendships: what happens when there’s substantive inequality among friends from the start?

    It’s less common, since friendship economic sorting is as prevalent these days as the political. But when there is imbalance between parties, sometimes we attempt to correct it with a dollop of noblesse oblige. Example: from early on, I’d been taught to lionize the 3am friend: the person who, as with Hillary’s campaign commercial from 2008, is always there, available for whatever trouble is afoot.

    Noble indeed, but it’s also problematic. In societies with strong social obligations, codes of conduct attempt to keep things balanced. But we’re all on our own now, and those checks are gone. Sometimes it gets so far out of whack that you forget who’s privileged and who isn’t—witness the Karen phenomenon from a few year back. To say nothing of nearly any media depiction of rich kids.

    Meanwhile, about that technology thing…

    Photo by Todd Trapani on Unsplash

    And so, back to tech. There’s good reason to blame it: the friendship recession really accelerated in the 2010s, right when smartphones came out. Sure, things may have started to worsen right when full-contact capitalism got going, but tech proved the lethal ingredient.

    But did it have to be? Remember, the smartphone/social universe/filter bubble phenomena are outgrowths of Milton Friedman-era capitalism, where all companies care about is shareholder value, and build their algorithms accordingly. So let’s imagine a different path.

    It’s easy to forget that it was not so long ago that tech platforms were widely considered forces for good. When Googling became a thing, it felt like something of a miracle: the entirety of human knowledge at your fingertips. When social media was young, people used it to organize Arab Spring protests. There’d emerged something of a consensus that computing technology, as molded by Silicon Valley, was beneficent.

    So what if things had kept on going that way, and we’d kept the good parts of capitalism—risk-taking, entrepreneurialism, respect for honestly-attained social capital, open (but supervised) markets—but ditched the toxicity—the gladiator mindset, the doctrine of hyper-concentrated ownership, the alienation of workers with no stake in the future? Imagine what tech would look like then.

    Actually, not just tech. Practically all innovations—petroleum, nuclear power, electricity, commercial air travel—began with hopeful origin stories about their anticipated use.

    Does this mean that all good technology ultimately goes bad?

    Actually, I don’t think so. But I do believe that our acceptance of today’s zero-sum inequality has allowed our inventions to become corrupted. Those inventions can then be used to turn us on one another. But in a different societal construct, with different societal attitudes that serve to uplift the good while keeping constrained the less savory aspects of—yes, I’ll say it—human nature; well… many things become imaginable.

    I really believe it’s as simple (and as impossible-seeming) as a wholesale mindset shift among every one of us. For all of us to unleash our capacity to Think Different (not the first time I’ve used this, I know) about the nature of our hierarchies, and the composition of our relationships.

    I’m not proposing some sort of political revolution, by the way—we all know how those turned out—only that I hold out hope that something, somewhere, fundamentally, will click into place in the mess of a social contract we’ve made with each other. And hopefully it won’t take a cataclysm to turn us all wiser (though if Star Trek is any metric, it might).

    I know we’re far from there still, marooned as we are on our lonely islands. But the seas are rising fast. How long can we go on like this before the yearning for the connections we once had becomes too loud to ignore?

  • Meritocracy is the New Aristocracy

    Photo by Hulki Okan Tabak on Unsplash

    For those of you following my stories through the years, you have an idea where I come from.

    I’m WEIRD.

    By that I don’t just mean strange or peculiar (though I’ve been called that as well); I mean the phenomenon that’s been noticed among psychologists looking at who participates in their studies. An overwhelming number of them hail from the same background: Western, educated, industrialized, rich and democratic (WEIRD) societies.

    Basically, the most fertile breeding grounds for—and the biggest practitioners of—that thing known as meritocracy.

    Meritocracy: a good thing, right?

    The concept of rewarding people based on merit isn’t exactly new; it’s basically seen as a synonym for the modern era, at least in the West. Spurred on by the Enlightenment, and the idea that human life and human beings are improvable, leaders such as Napoleon put forward the notion of careers open to talent early in the 19th century. Nowadays, we take it so for granted that the idea of going back to a world of inherited privilege seems unfair and absurd.

    Plus, we need look no further than the enormous advances of the last two centuries as proof that meritocracy works, as the world moved from subsistence-level agriculture to jet planes and the internet. Obviously that’s because we adopted this new and better way of rewarding people, right?

    Turns out the answer’s not that simple.

    I’ve been following for some time the writing of one of meritocracy’s own whose become one of its harshest critics, Yale professor Daniel Markovits. I finally took the plunge and read his book on the subject—and it’s a sobering, all-too-accurate portrait of our crazy, fraught, competitive world.

    Markovits reminds us that the originator of the term, in the book that first described meritocracy’s rise, actually meant it satirically and critically. Only in later years did meritocracy’s proponents claim the term as a good thing.

    But how can something that seems on the surface to promote fairness and encourage people to excel…be bad? I’d break out Markovits’s argument into two parts: the unfairness meritocracy ultimately creates, and the not-really-better world of jobs meritocracy builds.

    Meritocracy creates a new kind of unfairness

    This one’s a both obvious and controversial claim for anyone who’s been alive over the past half-century. Basically, Markovits claims that meritocracy, and the rise in inequality in America over the past five decades, are one and the same phenomenon.

    On the surface, the probably seems ridiculous. If meritocracy is supposed to distribute opportunity more fairly than a society of oligarchs or aristocrats, then how can it possibly lead to more unfairness?

    The answer is proved by history. As meritocrats rose in status, they helped tilt the game more and more in favor of themselves. Sure, the daughter of a CEO is expected to work hard in school and in the jobs she lands afterward. But even with parents who try not to inundate her with advantages, the privilege is there: chances are, even if she goes to public school, it’ll be a better-run, better-funded public school than those of her poorer counterparts; even if her parents don’t openly cheat to get her into college, she’ll still benefit from better coaching, tutoring, and other preparatory steps to get her into the highest-status schools. Her better jobs will ensure better-quality, subsidized health care for her and her own descendants. Throughout her life, she’ll exist in a bubble with other people of superordinate status, and will imbibe and benefit from their elite standing and practices.

    Sounds a lot like aristocracy, right?

    For those who vehemently disagree, and claim that harder and more productive work should be better rewarded, I present Markovits’s second point.

    Meritocracy warps the very concept of “work” itself

    Proponents of meritocracy, and even of meritocracy’s excesses, always make this point: in meritocracies, people are rewarded for the value they create. We dare not go back to a Soviet Communist world, where doctors were paid the same as janitors, and nobody had the urge to work hard or innovate. Go that route, and we’ll end up collapsing the way the Soviet Union did in 1991.

    A further case for this was made when the mid-century American corporate world structure was dismantled in the “greed is good” 1980s. In fact, that speech, given by character Gordon Gekko in the movie Wall Street is on that very subject: in it, he describes the sclerotic layers of middle management one of the companies he’s trying to wreck consists of. Dozens of vice presidents shuffling memos to each other. Overpaid, mid-skilled employees leaching profitability from shareholders. Just get rid of all that bureaucracy, and let true meritocrats reign.

    It’s an alluring, seductive notion, and it’s captivated us for decades: if we can replace 33 vice presidents each earning $200,000 a year (the figures Gekko cites in the film) with one high-achieving CEO who earns $2 million a year in salary—plus many tens of millions in stock appreciation earned by slashing company payrolls—well, on balance, that may seem like a good deal. At least, for the meritocrats, it does: a small number of their superordinates drives the company to profitability.

    But never mind the dozens of mid-level execs—and the thousands of mid-level workers—who are thrown out of work. For many of them, the only option will be to find new work in what Markovits calls “gloomy” jobs: low-skill, low-paid work in retail and services.

    Meritocracy’s tale of two suburbs

    To further exemplify his case, Markovits compares two American suburbs, Saint Clair Shores, Michigan, and Palo Alto, California. In the mid-twentieth century both were respectable middle-class towns, housing workers in automotive and electronics industries. Fast forward half a century to find one of these places—you can guess which—drastically weakened by the destruction of its middle class base, while another is super-concentrated by elite meritocrats in “glossy” jobs, who snap up its once-midrange homes for millions of dollars.

    But there’s more to the destruction of the middle class than jobs simply bifurcating into “gloomy” and “glossy.” What happens is the actual jobs themselves change in character. Mid-skilled bank loan officers become low-wage data-entry clerks; meanwhile, investment bankers, who securitize and sell the mortgage-backed securities that are what home loans ultimately become, require ever-greater skill, training, expertise—and compensation—to do what they do. Every year, the derby to get into elite colleges to land this elite training to land these elite jobs gets keener and keener; every year, fewer and fewer people make more and more money, while an ever-greater share of the population languishes in economic obscurity.

    The results of this are obvious on the bottom rungs of society: for the first time in generations, life expectancy is going down in America (even pre-Covid). Addiction to opioids rises as whole swaths of society find themselves increasingly irrelevant. Meanwhile, on the upper tier, things aren’t much better: as competition heats up to land in or stay in the elite, superordinate workers endure insane work hours, and growing pressure to be ever more productive, to add ever more value to the enterprise in order to retain their earnings, standing, and status.

    Photo by Markus Spiske on Unsplash

    What is to be done?

    Markovits ends with only rough outlines of solutions, and I can see why: nobody’s really figured out a path forward out of this mess. His suggestion that jobs themselves get redistributed is a toughie, likely involving German-style vocational schooling, and possibly even moves toward universal basic income.

    Why aren’t moves like these already being made, or at least tried? Well, the history of inequality itself, paints a gloomy portrait: the only way societies have ever really pushed reset on inequality is through massive upheaval. To wit: world wars and bloody revolutions. It’s a bleak picture of humanity, yet one many meritocrats cling to. “Nobody cedes their privilege,” says one of the characters in The White Lotus, a recent HBO series about the well-to-do vacationing at an elite Hawaii resort. For the sake of humanity’s future, I hope we figure out a sane way to do so.

    One way to think more constructively is to recast some of what drives meritocracy. Where wealth of a different age prided itself on its idleness, today’s meritocrats cite their hard work as a defining virtue. I think a lot of this comes from the so-called Protestant work ethic, which holds labor and industry itself as virtues.

    Now, I do agree there’s some merit to that. If nobody did any work, we’d have long since died out as a species. And even fictional, egalitarian, post-scarcity societies such as those in Star Trek (a favorite go-to of mine) see folks laboring mightily to build starships, explore the galaxy, and excel in their achievements. I don’t think the spirit of accomplishment itself needs to die out. I don’t even think the notion of healthy reward for initiative and creativity is entirely misplaced.

    What is misplaced is the notion that we need to be always on, always all cylinders firing, all the time. “Only the paranoid survive” was the title of a book by one of Intel’s founders. But must we be so paranoid to invent iPhones? Once there was a notion that we as a species actually, on aggregate, would work a lot less, once we figured out how to meet all our basic needs—food, housing, economic security—through the technical advances we were making. With these taken care of, we’d be even freer to innovate, to use our merit to build things we wanted, and continue our processes of societal improvement.

    Even in such a world, there will always be those who labor mightier, whose talents are indeed greater, and will no doubt enjoy rewards and prestige for doing so. But I think they, and everyone else, would do even better work in a world where there wasn’t a proverbial gun to our head to do so—a gun that in this age is largely one of our own making.

  • Escape From Bougiestan

    Photo by Bernadette Gatsby on Unsplash

    Almost five years ago, my then-domestic partner/now-husband, our two pets, and I, packed our things and moved away from San Francisco’s Potrero Hill neighborhood. The little condo had been my home for over five years, and as is often the case with homes freighted with emotional memory, I wandered the empty space we were about to leave forever, and teared up a bit.

    I was lamenting for more than just reasons of nostalgia, though.

    My tears were because we were leaving Bougiestan.

    That’s my name for it, portmanteau of bourgeois and -stan, the Persian suffix for land or place (hence Pakistan, Turkmenistan, etc).

    Every city’s got these places, well-manicured, upscale neighborhoods of charming older homes, or sparkling new McMansions. I’m not talking just about areas of huge affluence, the Billionaire’s Rows sprouting in a few global cities. No, Bougiestan’s bigger than that: it includes places like Shaker Heights, Ohio; Overland Park, Kansas; The Woodlands, outside of Houston; Philadelphia’s Main Line suburbs; Chicago’s North Side and North Shore suburbs; Palo Alto, California. Pretty much every economically-significant metro area’s got a Bougiestan, the primary nesting grounds of the upper-middle class.

    How My Family Got There

    Nobody alive today knows exactly how my forebears gained admittance to this realm. Sometime in the early 20th Century, one of my grandfather’s brothers moved to South Africa from Eastern Europe, and hit it big there. His wealth spread to other members of that extended family as they leveraged those connections to establish themselves all over the globe. After the Second World War, my grandparents moved to Canada. Although they lost most of their prior wealth in the decade that followed, they nonetheless held on to just enough to remain in Bougiestan. My father, availing himself of the rising postwar economy, kept the party going as a corporate attorney right through my childhood. Only in the stagflation 1970s did my family’s socio-economic situation come under threat, an anxiety that hung over our household for all my teens and beyond.

    For me, however, the die had been cast: the notion of not living in Bougiestan seemed unthinkable. Even in my early years as a wannabe screenwriter and office temp, I always lived in or near upscale neighborhoods—even if only in a studio apartment. While I was fiscally careful about it, for others in my sphere it often meant repeating my parents’ mistakes, overextending themselves to live the lifestyle of their well-to-do cohorts. As offspring came into the picture, the urgency of Bougiestan becomes doubly significant: after all, good neighborhoods have good schools and good amenities…so not living in those places must be tantamount to child neglect and abuse.

    Trouble in Paradise

    But is it? My own memories of bullying and social ostracism—driven partly by the fact that my parents struggled to get by in our little Bougiestan—suggests that life in there isn’t always better. When Tom Hanks’ character in the 1993 film Philadelphia, brings his Latino boyfriend, played by Antonio Banderas, to the Bougiestan he grew up in, Banderas scoffs. He can’t imagine the place being anything less than idyllic. Hanks replies: “those can be some pretty mean streets. Don’t let appearances fool you.”

    While there’s obviously nothing wrong per se with aspiring to live in such places, Bougiestan carries with it much of our current conversation about inequality and the vanishing middle class. It’s also a physical manifestation, in America at least, of the country’s tortured racist past, something I myself wasn’t cognizant of when I first came here two decades ago.

    A History of Nice Neighborhoods

    San Francisco redlining map

    Even the most illiberal of people now agree Southern-style segregation was wrong. Jim Crow is practically shorthand for racial injustice, to say nothing of South African Apartheid or Nazi-era Nuremberg Laws.

    But the reality in America is more nuanced than that: from the 1930s right through the 1960s, banks in America engaged in the practice of redlining, of literally drawing red lines around economically disadvantaged, mostly minority districts, and refusing to lend there. Conversely, many interwar suburbs, Bougiestans both back then and continuing to today, enacted racial covenants prohibiting people of color from residing there.

    While this obviously doesn’t mean that every resident of Bougiestan today is racist, it does mean their lives and lifestyles are built upon that legacy. It means that the property appreciation those people enjoyed, and continue to enjoy, was not shared by all. If there’s one thing our move to a onetime non-Bougiestan neighborhood—rapidly becoming part of Bougiestan thanks to San Francisco’s real-estate market—taught me, it’s that turning a place into a Bougiestan costs money. Big money. All those lovely landscaped yards and gut-rehabbed interiors involve huge expenditures of skilled labor and cash—something that’s in short supply to nearly all of the population.

    My own crocodile tears upon leaving Bougiestan, though, pale compared to how many others see it. It’s perhaps best expressed by a character in an episode of the HBO TV series Big Little Lies, itself set in a Northern California Bougiestan community near Monterey. Laura Dern’s character, wife of a financier, learns her husband’s been convicted of Bernie Madoff-like financial crimes. Her family’s economic standing in jeopardy, she freaks out, and shouts at him:

    “I will not not be rich!”

    If Not Bougiestan, Then Where?

    Dramatics aside, Bougiestan is really just a manifestation of our era of rising inequality, of hyperinflation in critical domains such as education, health care, housing, and retirement. Bougiestan’s residents, in a way, only exacerbate the problem, hoarding the opportunities available to them. In many ways, this isn’t their fault, at least not entirely: while the upper-middle class have undoubtedly benefited from the last four decades of “greed is good” capitalism, its biggest winners and instigators are the truly rich, the rentiers, the financially independent whose income is passive and not primarily earned through wages.

    While there are many standouts among this class who’ve rejected the status quo and look to fix it—Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, and Marc Benioff stand out—too many follow the path of Roger Ailes, Richard Mellon Scaife, and the Koch brothers, for whom inequality is not a problem to be remedied but an inescapable, unchanging reality of the human condition. There will always be poor people, said one young conservative to me at a job at a Midwestern bank years back, and there’s nothing we can do about it.

    I reject this notion, and believe that more than just social policy can fix it (though I support that as well). For all our technological innovations over the past few decades, we in fact live in an era of declining productivity and growth. Most innovation these days is focused on small-ball communications technology (do we really need another social sharing app?) or finance of the type that nearly wrecked the world economy a decade ago.

    Fixing the Real Problems

    This has been good in Bougiestan, for those talented, lucky, and assertive enough to remain in it, but it’s likewise left many millions behind. Compare these last fifty years with the century before it—between 1870 and 1970—when the world catapulted itself from a largely impoverished rural or early-industrial existence to a cornucopia of airplanes, moon rockets, labor-saving, affordable appliances, mass transit and automobiles—and even the foundation of our more incremental-improving times, the microprocessor.

    Technology isn’t the absolute savior, but as rapper Macklemore put it about another social cause, it’s a damn good place to start. Bougiestan and the housing crisis are in fact the same issue, for as long as housing is rare and expensive, even the most basic, Levittown-style living will be unattainable to most.

    But what if we could leverage technology and automation to build housing at one-tenth the cost it is now? Construction is an industry that’s hardly changed at all in centuries. Look around at your home: every cut piece of timber, every brick laid, every drywall panel in every building ever built was applied by hand, with human toil and sweat—just as was done in the time of the Romans. Sure, we have power tools instead of slaves, but little else has evolved. There have been moves in prefabrication here and there, but nothing that’s moved the needle in any big way.

    To that end, the biggest thing that’ll make Bougiestan, or at least more of its trappings, available to everyone, will be the will to make it happen. As World Wars, moonshots, and disease-eradication projects of the past have proved, humankind possesses immense potential to reshape the world. But it’ll take earnest commitment, concerted initiatives—and maybe a little sacrifice—from everyone, in Bougiestan and beyond, to make it happen.

  • Ending Inequality As We Know It

    The biggest progressive goal ever for a time gone insane.

    c/o Wikimedia Commons

    “My Daddy makes four thousand dollars a week!”

    There it was. My earliest introduction to income inequality, sitting on the dock of a bay at summer camp with a group of fellow ten-year-old boys, back in the heart of the Reagan era.

    Never mind the appropriateness of a kid that age being privy to that knowledge (yet another wrinkle of that crazy time). While we can all imagine — resent? admire? — the lifestyle of that kid’s family on that income in that era, this was, perhaps, the first time Young Me began to innocently ask the $107 trillion question (the total GDP of the world, by one reckoning):

    Why does economic inequality exist?

    Such a childlike question, huh? I think, whenever I asked it, the more conservative dads of the time fulminated about the perils of Communism — this was the Cold War era, after all — and economic redistribution and such (if you’re wondering why this offended them so much, this might be the answer). Which got me thinking about the basic societal notion we’ve all bought into: you know, the one that says certain people are entitled to greater rewards in exchange for greater contributions to society.

    Trouble is, the degree of “greater rewards” and “greater contribution” remains contested…and has been, on and off, throughout human history. These days, talk of inequality has fueled many movements, from the Tea Party to Occupy to would-be populists the world over. Meanwhile, all that economic talk about consensual market activities and willing participants and rational choice has begun to feel wrong to many of us.

    It wasn’t always that way. I think, for a time, many of us held out hope — heck, I did, naively, in the early dot-com era, where, in America, inequality was briefly shrinking in the 1990s even as tech companies were handing out stock options like candy. Hope that this would all work itself out, you know, like the way the Great Compression did for the white middle class in the 1950s and 1960s, except maybe for everybody this time.

    Only it didn’t happen.

    Where it all went wrong

    “Today, the top one per cent of incomes in the United States accounts for one fifth of US earnings. The top one per cent of fortunes holds two-fifths of the total wealth. Just one rich family, the six heirs of the brothers Sam and James Walton, founders of Walmart, are worth more than the bottom 40 per cent of the American population combined ($115 billion in 2012).” Peter Turchin, University of Connecticut

    The nineties and beyond instead continued the trend of the decade or two prior, leading us, in America and the West, to the most unequal age in over a century.

    But let’s look deeper than just the last fifty or a hundred years. Let’s go back to where inequality started. And I mean way back, to before history itself.

    We have, in our minds, this notion of basically egalitarian hunter-gatherer societies… then flash-forward a few millennia and humans are building pyramids to the dead bodies of the Pharaohs. But where do we get that idea?

    Turns out we’re largely beholden to philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau, who back in the 1700s literally wrote the book on the idea of an egalitarian prehistory. Closer to our time, UCLA professor Jared Diamond went so far as to call the development of agriculture the worst mistake humans have ever made — and by that, channelling Rousseau, he meant it spelled the end of equality — and fairness — for humankind.

    Some evolutionary biologists take a different view: you know, all that stuff about survival of the fittest and warring tribes of chimps. But guess what? Lots of that was actually pseudo-science. Darwin himself never said the words “survival of the fittest.” Capitalists of the time popularized it. Science is great, but it’s easy to misrepresent or oversimplify; just ask any climate-change-denier on a cold day.

    Breaking the wheel

    So where does this leave us, those who aren’t happy with the way things are? Most neoclassical economic consensus concludes that capitalism, the free market, and any inequalities therein are logical manifestations of the productive capacity of some humans over others. Going back to a slightly Younger Me again, one fellow at a Chicago finance company I worked at a decade or so back laid it out this way: you’re paid based on how much value you add to a company’s bottom line. Period.

    I’m going to take the position of many of my fellow progressives and call bullshit on this whole scheme. Fiat money, indeed the entire financial system, consensual or otherwise, are ideas we humans made up. Most of us went along with these with little understanding of how they worked, or how they greatly privilege some over others. And sure, reforms and revolutions past didn’t always work out as intended (though often not for reasons we think— see Western intervention in the Russian Civil War as one example). But if there’s anything the crazy events of the past year have taught us, it’s that now’s not the time to give up or stop trying.

    So what all do we do? For a start, keep on exposing elites. I give early credit to filmmaker Jamie Johnson, whose HBO documentaries in the mid-2000s were among the first to shine a light on the doings of the One Percent. We also need to continue to foreground the real will of the people: most Americans, particularly younger Americans, are actually unhappy with the socio-economic status quo. Comedian Chris Rock, himself no slouch in the success department, put it best: “If poor people knew how rich rich people are, there would be riots.”

    Conservatives usually point to socialism’s failures as a stern warning of what happens when you try to fix things. But let’s face it: socialism was something of a 1.0 product, a 19th century solution filled with pitfalls and bugs. Yes, Bernie did a killer job rehabilitating the brand, and some northern European countries get many things right. But the time has passed for mealy-mouthed third-way triangulation. It’s time for progressives to swing for the fences again. To think big, in 21st century fashion, about where we want our world to go so, and start working to get it there.

    How big a change are we talking? I’ve seen this articulated more and less in various spots, so let me lay it on the line:

    To feed, clothe and medically care for every human being on the planet to at least a present-day Western middle-income standard of living, and do so in an environmentally sustainable fashion.

    Crazy, right? How the heck are we going to do that?

    A utopian shopping list

    Believe it or not, there’s a growing consensus that we’re getting to the point where this is now feasible — if only we allocated the efforts and resources of our civilization more wisely. As author William Gibson put it, the future is already here, it’s just not evenly distributed.

    Some proposals to get there are bold — like transitioning our entire financial system to post-scarcity economics; in this scenario, nobody gives anything up, but the old rules of money and demand are, over time, engineered away (you’ve actually seen this before on TV, and it’s awesome).

    Less radical, but still pretty ambitious, is the call to replace the various forms of social welfare with a flat basic minimum income paid to everyone. Thomas Piketty’s notion of a global wealth tax has also been called out as a means to diminish yawning chasms of inequality, and help with things like infrastructure and basic services. Overall, tidying up our consumer culture of throwaway obsolescence and fixing climate change with carbon-neutral forms of energy production would also need to come about.

    Awesome! Where do I sign up?

    Unfortunately, there’s one critical, final step that needs to happen before any of this can start. In olden times they called it noblesse oblige, the whole Spider-Man great-power/great-responsibility idea, that the rich and the powerful owe a certain degree of generosity and nobility to the rest of us. I think we’ll take that in the form of a few score more Bill Gates and Warren Buffetts, thank you very much. More than just money, I think visionary leaders need to stand up, and get enough of us to get onboard.

    I know conservatives and establishmentarians of all stripes will try and fight this. Their worldview of tax cuts and government-can’t-do-anything-right and efficient markets and wealth creation leads many of them to believe inequality is part of a just-world hypothesis — even though there’s plenty of evidence that many at the top haven’t necessarily earned the right to be there.

    By Eugène Delacroix — Erich Lessing Culture and Fine Arts Archives via artsy.net, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=27539198

    There’s also the dark shadow of history, which reminds us how past ages of inequality got settled: wars, plagues, revolutions. It’s scary. By that reckoning, Brexit, Trump and Le Pen could be heralds of what’s to come, as people’s rage is diverted into reactionary politics and xenophobia. If for no other reason, this is the best one of all to do something big. Because while we all recognize that some extra reward for extra initiative is fair, the world’s economic system as constituted isn’t. And it’s only a matter of time before enough of us get fed up and flip over the chessboard altogether. So why not make the game fair again instead?

    That’s something that makes sense to everyone, from the innumerable people suffering greatly the world over…all the way to future incarnations of Young Me, wondering why the petty unequal-ness they see all around them is the way it is.