Tag: Politics

  • What’s really behind the loneliness epidemic and the friendship recession?

    A deep dive, with clues from my life’s journey

    Love. Alexander Milov. Burning Man 2015. Source: Swell Health

    It’s all over the pundit-o-sphere: we’re in a full-on friendship recession. There’s an epidemic of loneliness. Fewer and fewer people say they have a broad friend circle, and a surprising number say they have no close friends at all.

    On the surface, at least in safe(r) Western countries, this almost doesn’t make sense: in spite of all the turmoil worldwide, we live in unprecedented times for connection and communication. If nothing else, you’d think the bounce-back from Covid—manifested in a frenzy of revenge travel—would see people socializing like never before. Heck, even our age’s extant turmoil and uncertainty should help: bringing people together to organize, protest, collectively try to right wrongs—and possibly form lifelong friends in the process. We’re supposed to be living in the age of the global village.

    So what gives?

    Everyone’s quick to blame social networks and smartphones, and while I think there’s truth in that, it feels like technology’s more a symptom than a cause; plus, these innovations were built to improve communication, not pull us apart.

    What I’ve learned from my own journey

    Young Me. Hallandale Beach, Florida, early 1970s.

    Each of us is a world in microcosm—which is why a movie like Inside Out resonates so strongly. This suggests we all may have a little friendship recession living in us.

    For me, it came early, anticipating these trends. Closeted gay nerds growing up in the 1980s were practically tailor-made for a loneliness epidemic. Sometimes it even seemed like even the people I counted as friends weren’t so tolerant of my own personal flavor of freak flag. This went double growing up in a small, close-knit, homogeneous community.

    In my case, there seemed like no way out. Like the pale blue dot we live on, or the inner world of our minds, my community was all I knew. And for all that it wasn’t too open to outsiders like myself, I figured it could only be even worse in the big bad world outside.

    Then, one summer after high school, the paradigm exploded: for one thing, I took a step outside my world, and by golly, it was amazing; for another, my parents experienced a big, traumatic falling-out with their closest friend circle. Boom. Pop goes the world.

    In the wake of all that, two things became apparent: one, the little sphere of our youth is rarely, if ever, unshakeable; two, great! There was a whole world out there, offering—maybe, possibly—better options than my origin point.

    I’m not sure if it’s because of what happened with my parents, or simply due of the inherent transience of seeking community outside one’s origin point; whatever the reasons, and however more I found my footing and identity in the big world, I never managed to fully shake the friendship recession. Sure, I got great people in my life, but so many more once-great connections have come and gone. And all too many of them took the form of wrenching estrangements—the so-called friendship divorce.

    The reasons for these are myriad and complicated, as they often are; I think we’d all be deluding ourselves if we believed that all our estrangements were purely the other person’s fault. Still, regardless of the causes or who’s to blame, we are as much defined by our estrangements as we are by those who stick around.

    I think I’m not alone in this, believing that the hill of beans that is our life in this crazy world mirrors something bigger. I mean, think about it: if it’s established that in the past people had more friends and socialized more—then…where did all those friendships go?

    To help answer that, let’s go deeper into the past, to a time when it all seemed right. Back to the Good Old Days, when the Baby Boomers were kids.

    The Good Old Days: were they really that good?

    Stand By Me. 1986 film. Source: GoldenGlobes.com

    We’ve heard it many times, How Things Used To Be. When parents belonged to churches, rotary clubs, and bowling leagues; when kids played together until dark, unencumbered by technology, with only their bikes, their park swings, and their imaginations to live out an idyllic childhood.

    I don’t think that’s totally off-base. But I also don’t think it’s the whole picture.

    Like World War II vets who seldom acknowledged that war’s horrors—it took Saving Private Ryan, a half-century on, to explode that John Wayne myth—I suspect Boomers, the generation before mine, often don’t acknowledge how tough it was for them beneath the surface of their idealized past.

    Never mind the obvious parts, like how awful it was for most anyone LGBTQ+, or for people of color; even in the catbird seat of the white middle-class, people had to live with the distant but plausible shadow of nuclear apocalypse. Closer to home, the established social harmony concealed what was beneath the surface. Example: take the movie Stand by Me, possibly the quintessential Boomer nostalgia feast. Its closing line, typed by its author, the adult recounting the story decades later:

    I never had any friends later on like the ones I had when I was twelve. Jesus, does anyone?

    Maybe the statement was intended to be more ironic than anyone realized. I recently did a full rewatch of this 1986 classic, and…holy crap. Has anybody misty for the Good Old Days actually seen this movie? Those kids, the film’s main characters, these loyal-till-death-do-us-part buddies, are basically total jerks to each other. Their friendship consists of trash-talking and insults. They behave like worst enemies, only briefly punctuated by moments of heart-rending vulnerability. Once this may have been called just boys being boys; but I think I see why the term toxic masculinity came about.

    Not that they don’t come by their horrible behavior unfairly: they’re all from messed-up backgrounds riddled with sadness, anger, and abuse; they’re repeatedly bullied by a gang of older kids; heck, the entire adventure that’s the movie’s McGuffin consists of an overnight camping trip…to go see a dead body. If you ask me, this tale — based on a Stephen King novella — is way more frightening than anything the author cooked up in his ghost stories (full disclosure: huge fan).

    Why things are worse now (but shouldn’t be)

    OK, then. Coming back to now, when we live in so much more enlightened, aware, attuned—dare I call them “woke” times—then…why don’t we have the opposite of a friendship recession? Are all of us just whiny, ungrateful brats, willfully isolating ourselves, too obtuse to see just how gosh-darned good we have it?

    Photo by Geoffroy Hauwen on Unsplash

    It’s important to remember that aggregate statistics of how good everything is—GDP per capita, median wealth, average life expectancy, and the rest—obscure a reality author William Gibson predicted and has become a trope if not a cliché: The future is here, it’s just not equally distributed.

    Much ink has been spilled on how the past fifty years have been decidedly different than the century that preceded it. Some have called it the post-industrial age, where computing and communication technology overshadowed industrial-era innovations (think about how similar today’s passenger jets are from those of the 1970s, compared with computing devices from then and now). But there are two sharply opposing trends that also define the age, the past half-century, the era in which the friendship recession and loneliness epidemic took root.

    Trend One: Free to be…you and me

    By epiclectic. Fair use via Wikipedia

    I actually think the forces on the political right have a point about what they now call wokeness: we do live in times of greater emotional fragility. All that stuff repressed by the GIs in World War II, and even many of the Boomers, their kids—empathy, sensitivity, emotional awareness—are front and center now. Maybe it started with the Flower Children of the 1960s. Maybe it took off after Oprah made child abuse her cause célèbre, starting in the 1980s. Whatever the sequence of events, Gen X (a.k.a. my crowd) arrived into a world that idealized connection, kindness, and—yes—companionship. Consider the 1970s kids’ album (and companion TV special) Free to Be…You and Me; I still get choked up listening to songs like “Glad to Have a Friend Like You,” about an oddball boy and girl who become best mates, bonding over baking cakes and fishing.

    There’s more: consider Sesame Street, Mister Rogers, or any number of 1980s sitcoms. Again and again, there’s the unshakable bond among friends. Go further, and you’ll find amity on Star Trek’s Enterprise, with the Skywalker gang from Star Wars, or, heck, on practically any buddy cop show.

    Thing is, all this apparent warmth and connection—as represented in media and on the surface perceptions of other people’s lives—crashes against the other big force of the past half-century.

    I’m talking, of course, about the rise of full-contact capitalism.

    Trend Two: Greed is good, and those other ideas lying around

    Photo by Anjo Clacino on Unsplash

    Even as popular culture lionized friendship, another trend was rising. Call it the flip side of eliminating the more coercive, hypocritical old-school social organizations of yore—let’s be honest, how many of those Rotary Club regulars actually liked each other? The 1970s saw the rise of the Me Generation. Surprisingly, this trend really found purchase on the economic side of things.

    And that’s where, I think, things really came undone.

    There’s nothing inevitable about sixties idealism’s push toward individual expression somehow ending us up in a Gilded Age-style plutocracy. But that’s how it panned out: a legitimate rejection of the stultifying 1950s, with its merciless cutting down of any tall poppies (or, more accurately, the odd-shaped poppies) among us.

    But we never fully replaced the institutions of 1950s; instead, we embraced a hardcore flavor of individualism to take care of everything. Then, the rival economic system, one where everyone called each other comrade, crumbled almost overnight. It took economist Milton Friedman, and his ideas lying around, to come to the fore. We transitioned from Free to Be…You and Me to Greed Works.

    And I think we broke friendship in the process.

    Don’t believe me? Hear the ever-quotable Gordon Gekko once more:

    If you need a friend, get a dog.

    What this meant, in our everyday social workaday spheres, was that, while, sure, we were ever more free to be who and do what we wanted, we were also now in throat-throttling competition with everybody else for a diminishing share of the economic pie. We replaced the Boomer childhood of a broad-based middle class with the classes on the Titanic: a huge majority with little or no economic security (90% of the population); a smallish minority of upper-middle-class (the top 90–99% of the economic distribution); all of whom fight constantly to belong to the top 1% (those whose income is derived from wealth).

    BFF platitudes die hard in a zero-sum world. Friendships become increasingly transactional. It puts even the strongest of bonds under strain. When so much of life feels like a desperate race, a high-stakes competition for status, standing, and material security, personal connection is the first and biggest thing to suffer.

    The four horsemen of the friendship apocalypse

    Photo by christophe Dutour on Unsplash

    Of course, none of this is totally unprecedented: people have fallen in and out of friendships (and love, and familial bonds) for as long as there have been people. But this flavor of it has its own causes and behaviors. To add to all the ink that’s been poured into this subject, let me add my own perspective. I can identify four personality traits that serve to shatter friendships. I believe we all retain bits of these traits; however, in an era where everyone’s scrambling for the same few lifeboats, any of these traits is liable to metastasize and take us over.

    Highlight-reeling

    Photo by Guille Álvarez on Unsplash

    We all know this one, a potent force in our fake it till you make it culture. We’ve all heard tales of other people’s fantastic lives, fabulous careers, endless circles of friends, flawless marriages. An effortless, perfectly curated life made manifest by the power of the prosperity gospel.

    What’s wrong with that? Doesn’t a life well lived deserve to be flaunted? Is it not virtuous to be happy for the good, fulfilling lives of others? Sure…but that’s not what highlight-reeling’s about. It’s never about a comprehensive picture of what’s really going on in someone’s head or life. Plus, it’s not about you sharing in their bounty. As I’ve experienced it, highlight-reeling seems intended to make others feel worse. Maybe to weaken them, a little, stifle them as prospective competition.

    Counter-point: isn’t resenting highlight-reeling just jealousy in disguise? Actually, yes. But that’s sort-of the point. Highlight-reeling’s patently fictional depictions of existence are such that it’s hard not to be jealous—even if we know, somewhere in the recesses of our brains, that it’s mostly a fake-out.

    As with all of these behaviors, I recognize there’s more going on with highlight-reelers under the surface. Oftentimes, it conceals real inner pain that our competitive society discourages us from expressing. Whatever’s going on inside, highlight-reeling has now reached the commanding heights: our re-minted President practically embodies this trait.

    But you don’t have to limit it to the top: find me any large-ish group of friends and it’s fairly likely there’s some measure of highlight-reeling going on.

    The hard-luck case

    Photo by Blake Cheek on Unsplash

    For a long time I was drawn to folks in this state. In fact, for a long time I thought I was this state. It’s seductive: hard-luck cases form powerful bonds, and for good reason. Podcaster professor Scott Galloway, in an aptly-titled blog post, points out that “the cocktail that’s made us the apex of apex predators is cooperation on the rocks of conflict.”

    So how can it go wrong? Simple: circumstances (and people) change.

    Again, this is nothing new or unique to our times, but in our present-day über-capitalist world—where job security, affordable housing, college, health care, and retirement have become lottery-ticket uncertain—it’s especially fraught. Even among those who start at similar places, or in the same friend circle. With the unpredictable socio-economic sorting that goes on these days, not everyone ends up in the same place. Some might make it, find their footing, establish themselves even if they began life as hard-luck cases…and some do not.

    The great ideological fault line

    Photo by Alex Haney on Unsplash

    We’ve heard endless talk about why we’re polarized politically; I maintain it’s the same reason we’re polarized socially. It’s not because of disagreements in the margins about taxation rates, or the effective role of government in a society. It’s because the two political philosophies of our age—roughly characterized for the past two centuries as Right and Left—have divided the world into camps built out of different ways of looking at the world.

    It’s been said the the Left borrows from Rousseau, with his ideas that people are naturally good; it’s only modern civilization that’s messed us up, divided us against each other. Put us back in nature, out of our so-called civilization, and we’d get along a lot better.

    The Right, by contrast, is said to stem from Hobbes, who believed that, without a strong, hierarchical order, we’d regress to savagery. Hobbes’ catchphrase for his take on the state of nature has become legendary: nasty, brutish, and short. It’s also often termed human nature, which is supposedly something utterly immutable and irretrievably selfish.

    Friends have been having political debates since time immemorial; but in today’s climate, it’s particularly charged. Each side views the other as an existential threat, and how could it not? When so few have economic security, whatever side they’re on feels like it’s fighting the last battle to save the world. This acts like a jet turbine for our belief systems. While it’s less common for friendships to end due to political shifts, the mere fact that we’re sorted into these tribes in the first place eliminates large swaths of the population from ever commingling in the first place.

    Friends with money, entitlement, and other asymmetries

    Photo by Alexander Mils on Unsplash

    While highlight-reeling is an attempt to sow inequality where it doesn’t exist, and hard-luck cases are embattled allies taking on the Empire together, there’s another dimension that inequality has foisted upon our friendships: what happens when there’s substantive inequality among friends from the start?

    It’s less common, since friendship economic sorting is as prevalent these days as the political. But when there is imbalance between parties, sometimes we attempt to correct it with a dollop of noblesse oblige. Example: from early on, I’d been taught to lionize the 3am friend: the person who, as with Hillary’s campaign commercial from 2008, is always there, available for whatever trouble is afoot.

    Noble indeed, but it’s also problematic. In societies with strong social obligations, codes of conduct attempt to keep things balanced. But we’re all on our own now, and those checks are gone. Sometimes it gets so far out of whack that you forget who’s privileged and who isn’t—witness the Karen phenomenon from a few year back. To say nothing of nearly any media depiction of rich kids.

    Meanwhile, about that technology thing…

    Photo by Todd Trapani on Unsplash

    And so, back to tech. There’s good reason to blame it: the friendship recession really accelerated in the 2010s, right when smartphones came out. Sure, things may have started to worsen right when full-contact capitalism got going, but tech proved the lethal ingredient.

    But did it have to be? Remember, the smartphone/social universe/filter bubble phenomena are outgrowths of Milton Friedman-era capitalism, where all companies care about is shareholder value, and build their algorithms accordingly. So let’s imagine a different path.

    It’s easy to forget that it was not so long ago that tech platforms were widely considered forces for good. When Googling became a thing, it felt like something of a miracle: the entirety of human knowledge at your fingertips. When social media was young, people used it to organize Arab Spring protests. There’d emerged something of a consensus that computing technology, as molded by Silicon Valley, was beneficent.

    So what if things had kept on going that way, and we’d kept the good parts of capitalism—risk-taking, entrepreneurialism, respect for honestly-attained social capital, open (but supervised) markets—but ditched the toxicity—the gladiator mindset, the doctrine of hyper-concentrated ownership, the alienation of workers with no stake in the future? Imagine what tech would look like then.

    Actually, not just tech. Practically all innovations—petroleum, nuclear power, electricity, commercial air travel—began with hopeful origin stories about their anticipated use.

    Does this mean that all good technology ultimately goes bad?

    Actually, I don’t think so. But I do believe that our acceptance of today’s zero-sum inequality has allowed our inventions to become corrupted. Those inventions can then be used to turn us on one another. But in a different societal construct, with different societal attitudes that serve to uplift the good while keeping constrained the less savory aspects of—yes, I’ll say it—human nature; well… many things become imaginable.

    I really believe it’s as simple (and as impossible-seeming) as a wholesale mindset shift among every one of us. For all of us to unleash our capacity to Think Different (not the first time I’ve used this, I know) about the nature of our hierarchies, and the composition of our relationships.

    I’m not proposing some sort of political revolution, by the way—we all know how those turned out—only that I hold out hope that something, somewhere, fundamentally, will click into place in the mess of a social contract we’ve made with each other. And hopefully it won’t take a cataclysm to turn us all wiser (though if Star Trek is any metric, it might).

    I know we’re far from there still, marooned as we are on our lonely islands. But the seas are rising fast. How long can we go on like this before the yearning for the connections we once had becomes too loud to ignore?

  • The Curious Case of the Overseas Conservative

    What an unlikely group of thinkers tells us about our interesting times

    Photo by Jana Shnipelson on Unsplash

    Amid all the self-analysis and hand-wringing going on with progressives in the wake of the 2024 U.S. election, there’s one group whose reactions will be especially interesting to watch.

    The existence of this group eluded me for a long time. That is, until watching the TV series Young Royals. Groundbreaking as it was for its frank depiction of a very unconventional queer romance between a young Swedish prince and a working-class Latin American immigrant who meet at an elite boarding school, something stood out to me: the other snobby students label Simon (the immigrant kid, played beautifully by Venezuelan-Swede Omar Rudberg) a “socialist.”

    I didn’t get it.

    I mean, they’re in Sweden, for heaven’s sake, the nation held up as standard-bearer for a modern-day socialist economy. Why would kids in such a country consider that an insult?

    Then there was the time, back in 2016, during the Hillary-Bernie Democratic primaries. A boss of mine from India said she’d never—never—support Bernie Sanders because he, too, was a socialist and (as she put it) “socialism is terrible!” She didn’t elaborate, but I know India had a flirtation with this form of governance in decades past.

    Cut to today, and there’s this guy, a Norwegian CEO lauding America’s work-life-imbalanced workforce, whom he terms “ambitious.” That made me reflect on my own attitudes towards America in my youth…and then it all made sense.

    The Left, the Right…and the other Right?

    Photo by Clay Banks on Unsplash

    The left-right divide in the United States—despite reshuffles and realignments—is pretty well understood: on one side, it’s God, guns, and greed is good; on the other, it’s warriors for social and economic justice who, somehow, never seem to live up to expectations. See: this year’s election results.

    But there are others who don’t fit neatly in either category. They make more sense now that I see the pattern—and realize I used to be one of them.

    I call them the Overseas Conservatives.

    Who (and what) is an Overseas Conservative?

    Obviously, the United States didn’t invent conservatism—I’m not suggesting that. The concept, in the form and ideology we know today, began in Revolutionary France, where the seats of the National Assembly were organized: establishmentarian types on the right, reform/revolution types on the left.

    That said, the American flavor of conservatism seems unique. Maybe some of that’s historical: America never had a monarchy, and very vigorously threw off rulership by one early on. Capitalism and meritocracy were new concepts in 1776, but for America, it was money and markets from the word go. Meanwhile, as religion slowly receded all over Europe in modern times, America’s conservatives held on to it—so much so that the term religious right is as American as Big Macs and apple pie.

    Disclaimer: I know concepts of left and right are (and probably always were) oversimplified, terms that bundle together many strands of thought and policy notions. Nevertheless, the labels have stuck, so please indulge this exercise with that in mind.

    Also, I’m not focusing on everyone considered a right-winger outside the U.S.A. That’s way too broad a catchment group. What makes Overseas Conservatives stand out is their non-American-ness, twinned with their association with America. Either they live here now, immigrated here by choice (as I did), or perhaps were refugees of some sort. Or else they’re pundits who remain outside these shores, but for whom America is their beat. But they all cut their teeth elsewhere, their life experience formed outside this country.

    Exhibit A: Christopher Hitchens

    Christopher Hitchens in 2010. Source: via Wikimedia

    The OG of them all, the late Christopher Hitchens actually began life (as so many neocons did) a leftist, but drifted rightward over the later two decades of his life. In some ways, he almost doesn’t make this list, since he held a great many positions that still today are defined as progressive: a hardcore atheist, he opposed the War on Drugs, and supported same-sex marriage. But after 9/11, after years of criticizing U.S. foreign policy of yore, he shifted, supporting Dubya and his wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. He came to see Islamism as Public Enemy Number One. This is something we’re going to see a lot of with Overseas Conservatives, and why they’ve come to stand with America so profoundly.

    Exhibit B: Andrew Sullivan

    Andrew Sullivan. Source: Wikimedia

    Another early figure, Andrew Sullivan is equally a study in contrasts. Gay and out for decades, his early career reveals a mixed trajectory: writing for the (conservative) British Daily Telegraph early in his career, then stints at The New Republic, The New York Times, and The Atlantic. He’s a terrific writer (as many in this group are); his piece on America after 9/11 is one I’ve cited many times, and still find to be one of the most emotionally moving depictions of what it was like in this country in the days following that terrible one. He was an early and ardent supporter of same-sex marriage and Barack Obama. And then…there’s his Substack, with its skepticism over trans issues, and its fixation on the wokes (something that’s also something of a trope here).

    Exhibit C: Niall Ferguson

    Niall Ferguson. Source: Wikimedia

    A Brit who’s a bit less focused on America than Hitchens or Sullivan, he nonetheless covers it a lot on his beat, and even became a U.S. citizen in 2018. He’s known more for his triumphalist notion that the British Empire was better than the rest of the European imperialists; he early on saw the potency of Trumpism, and has been supportive of the now-again President-elect on occasion. He’s also big on the anti-Islamism train, going so far as to buy into the Eurabia conspiracy theory. He goes even equated Islam to the threat of Bolshevism, believing the Islamists literally want to take over the world as the early Communists did.

    Exhibit D: David Frum

    David Frum. Source: Wikimedia

    A Canadian like myself (I remember fondly his late mother’s newscasting career in our native homeland), Frum rose to prominence in America as a speechwriter for George W. Bush. Even those unfamiliar with this crop of conservatives almost certainly recognize words he wrote. Three of those words became the iconic line of the century, when Dubya termed Saddam’s Iraq, Islamic Iran, and totalitarian North Korea the axis of evil.

    This is more than mere wordplay; it’s what unites Overseas Conservatives and onshore right-wingers alike. They’re often spoiling for a fight against some existentially-threatening bad guys looking to take down the West. Not that they’re totally wrong, I maintain, but their fixation on making these admittedly lousy actors on the global stage into Disney villains strikes me as hyperbolic. This has long been a hallmark of many flavors of conservatism: Othering others, leaning hard into patriotism and even jingoism, always wanting an ever-bigger military.

    That said, Frum has grown ever more critical of America’s conservative standard bearer, the Republican party, and has even greater distaste for the prior/future President.

    Exhibit E: Jordan Peterson

    Jordan Peterson. Source: Wikimedia

    Another Canadian, Peterson’s a weirdly mixed bag: supportive of universal healthcare, drug decriminalization, and wealth redistribution. And then…there’s his deadnaming actor Elliot Page. His savaging of political correctness. His denial of climate change. The list goes on.

    Sometimes I wonder if that’s all it is with so many of these guys — and notice they’re all guys, white ones to boot: the taking of extreme, dissonant positions purely for shock value. I myself remember being this way in my youth, the thrill of being the enfant terrible of your cohort, shocking and horrifying all these progressives (or as it’s now known in America, owning the libs). But is that a deep enough bench to build an ideology? Peterson often has other, smarter things to say, but not every political Bad Boy does. Now that we have a President-elect with his own Bad Boy rhetoric, we’ll see if folks like Peterson go high or low.

    Exhibit F: Douglas Murray

    Douglas Murray. Source: Wikimedia

    Another queer Brit, but this one more off the chain than Andrew Sullivan. Here again, we encounter the usual suspects: more Eurabia fixations, more fulminations on woke culture and its existential threat to all that is good, fair, and decent.

    Murray reminds me of Log Cabin Republicans I worked with in years past. Why, I wondered, would anyone want to belong to a group so hostile to this fundamental part of yourself? One notion sees the LCR as queer Uncle Toms, or as Jewish folks call such sellouts, kapos. These were, for the uninitiated, those Jews who attempted cooperation with the Nazis in a deluded attempt to somehow countervail the effects of the Holocaust. You can guess how well that turned out.

    I don’t think Murray’s quite that far gone, though some of his stances strike as unhelpful to the LGBTQ+ community. Actually, he doesn’t even think much of that community, or as he put it, queerness “is an unstable component on which to base an individual identity, and a hideously unstable way to try and base any form of group identity.”

    Seriously, dude?

    There’s more. He was one of the first to label Kamala Harris a diversity hire. And this is where the limits of Overseas Conservatives become apparent. I maintain they possess a blinkered view of America. This charge against Kamala’s a perfect example. Many of Murray’s defenders claimed he’s simply parroting what Joe Biden said in 2020: that he was explicitly seeking a female minority to round out the ticket. Surely that’s a diversity hire, no?

    Not hearing the dog whistle

    Political strategists as far back as Lee Atwater understood that, in post 1960s America (some may call that decade the dawn of wokeness), it’s unacceptable to express overt racism. Race science is discredited and vilified. It’s political suicide — to say nothing of scientifically false—to claim superiority of one ethnicity over another. But Atwater must have sensed that many in 1980s America still held such biases deep down. So instead, his cohort found ways to sneak in such notions.

    Diversity hire is one of those notions. Maybe Murray was aware of it, or maybe he wasn’t, but in America of today, this term doesn’t describe a benign move to uplift certain demographics—such as, say, preferring a queer actor for a queer role in a TV series. No. It’s much more insidious than that. It’s to suggest that a person of color is somehow incapable of fulfilling that role. Tragically, I fear that, in some quarters, these odious interpretations will be used to explain the outcome of the U.S. Presidential election of 2024.

    Redlining map. San Francisco, 1937. Source: KQED

    I’ve discovered that Americans who grew up here and know their history intimately understand these nuances: Beyond slavery and Jim Crow, there have been decades and centuries of educational disenfranchisement, disinvestment in communities, histories of neighborhood redlining, voter suppression, and a host of other ignominious actions undertaken against minority communities. Their struggle is real—so much so that, if anything, a woman of color has to be even more qualified than an equivalent White male to land the same position.

    I wonder if Overseas Conservatives like Murray see all that. I sure didn’t when I thought that way.

    Can we learn anything from the Overseas Right?

    Surprisingly, I think we can—if only to solidify the notion that ideologies are complex, fluid things. Many progressive sacred cows—abortion, same-sex marriage, drug decriminalization, atheism or agnosticism—are baked into the beliefs of many of these non-Americans. They’re almost old-school Republicans, those Chamber of Commerce types who want nothing more than for free markets to be given a chance, and for government to be lean, efficient, and minimally involved with our lives.

    Well, with one huge exception: that need to fight the boogeyman, whatever current flavor that may take, military spending no object. Perhaps it’s no surprise that the biggest geopolitical preoccupation of Overseas Conservatives these days is radical Islam. It’s more of a thing in Middle East-adjacent Western countries, or those with historically looser immigration policies than the United States. And there’s some truth there: there indeed exist Islamic nations with aims to do harm to the West in general, and America in particular. Their sponsorship of all manner of unsavory groups is well established.

    While some progressive pundits pull from the anti-war history going back to Vietnam, the old saw that the Dems are weak on defense seems demonstrably false. Ronald Reagan helped engineer that perception—think Jimmy Carter and the Iran hostage crisis. Yet America’s government and military has continued to practice realpolitik—party in power notwithstanding—often to the chagrin of its progressive citizenry and (some) in academia. And yes, in those circles we do see it: post-colonial discourse blaming European imperialism for all troubles in the world. The notion, among some, that the West is in fact responsible for the rise of radical Islam.

    Here I’d say Overseas Conservatives may have a point: the political left’s acquiescence to Islamist groups is the biggest geopolitical miss, I’d venture, since New York Times journalist Walter Duranty reported on Stalin-era Soviet Union. Take this social media post during last spring’s Columbia University protests:

    Some of the more out-there progressive rhetoric

    So, OK, we get it: idiotic geopolitical thought, and hyperactive policing of jokes and pronouns, grates on many. Ideologies, no matter how noble, can go awry. But I think what Overseas Conservatives, indeed all conservatives, seem to miss is that trolling the other side with provocative extreme-talk doesn’t fix underlying problems. Oftentimes, problems are complex and nuanced, and involve looking deeper and Thinking Different—and when Overseas Conservatives apply their outsider insight to such things is when I think they shine.

    That said, I understand the Overseas Conservative appeal to those on the front lines — whether in the U.S. military in the Persian Gulf, or among the beleaguered citizenry of Israel/Palestine. So let’s take the Eurabia charge at face value: even with the migrations of recent decades, it’s unlikely Europe’s Muslim minority will even reach 20 percent in future decades — about the same as the Latino community in America (interestingly, it doesn’t seem most Overseas Conservatives are as interested in migration from America’s southern border as some domestic conservatives have been of late). And some have theorized that many of the issues Europe has with immigrants from Muslim immigrants have more to do with failure of assimilation, or lack of economic and social opportunities.

    To answer that charge, there’s a well-worn (if imperfect) antidote to be found right here in the Overseas Conservative’s backyard: America, with its long tradition of bringing in outsiders and making them part of the greater polity. As a son and grandson of immigrants, and an immigrant of sorts myself, I’d even extend that to the recent influx of migrants from America’s south; so many of them are fleeing economic and political tyranny, and deserve our help. Why not hold our governments to doing it properly, in economically beneficial ways, instead of indulging in more xenophobia? Sure, some immigrant groups are slow to integrate, or self-segregate to varying degrees, but in the end, Barack Obama’s rhetoric about the bonds that unite us is real.

    Photo by Rachel Martin on Unsplash

    Learning from each other (and from history)

    In a way, conservatives have it easier than progressives: it’s much easier to embrace the status quo, or harken back to some mythical past that never really existed, than it is to push for change, risk getting it wrong — and disappoint vast constituencies in the process.

    Photo by Brian Wertheim on Unsplash

    This leads me to my ultimate concern about Overseas Conservatives, the real reason I abandoned their philosophy earlier in life. As constituted nowadays, it seems to me their conservatism embraces two toxic beliefs: essentialism and the just-world hypothesis. With essentialism, there’s the view that, things are their essence, and cannot be changed. Written in the stars, encoded in our DNA. There will always be poverty and bad people, so stop trying to fix them. The just world hypothesis, meanwhile, holds that the universe makes sure everyone gets what’s coming to them. Billionaires and mega-corporations legitimately earned what they have, so stop trying to raise taxes, or force social responsibility on them.

    It seems to me these philosophies have utterly warped our economies, leading to a harsh, zero-sum form of competitive capitalism that leaves tens of millions looking over their shoulder, worrying about their economic and job security as companies disproportionately reward large shareholders and top executives. What good is America’s high-performing GDP if it only benefits a relative few?

    I’d like to see Overseas Conservatives say more about those issues, speak ever more truth to real power, instead of fixating on the other side’s occasional craziness. In times past it was easy to tar the left as equally bad. But now? There really is no “far left” in America. Think about it: Communism has been well and surely defeated. Most formerly leftish ideas like climate change, same-sex marriage, or drug decriminalization, are broadly popular across the political spectrum. No serious U.S. politician is talking about forced collectivization, a secret police to punish counter-revolutionaries (or those who misuse pronouns), or prohibiting migration. Most of them are for the sort of mixed economies we see in European countries. As Bill Maher once said of Hillary Clinton, “Che Guevera in a pantsuit she is not.

    If I had to pick a favorite, I think David Frum offers a possible path forward—points for expat Canadians named David. He’s renounced and repudiated so much of what he once believed, embodied in a marvelously nuanced piece in this month’s The Atlantic. I’d like to think more of these folks—all of whom I concede are superb thinkers, by the way—will look at this election and, rather than engage in the usual smug, self-congratulatory right-wing triumphalism, aim to Think Different.

    Because we need them, indeed everyone, to begin thinking that way, as the incoming political class of America circa 2025 promises a very interesting spectacle.

  • Okay, Now What?

    At the USS Intrepid, New York City, 1983

    This week’s election makes me think of my Dad.

    He loved this country, in spite of having been born abroad, and never having actually lived here.

    His family was liberated by American troops entering Shanghai in 1945. He would tell us stories of hitching rides with them to school, having them attend his Bar Mitzvah (which, if memory serves, was held on an American ship). I grew up with stories of his love of America, and went on frequent visits to the country less than 50 miles to our south. It undoubtedly played a big role in my decision to move here, nearly three decades ago, a story I covered in this post back in 2016, on the eve of another monumentally surprising election involving a certain orange-faced fellow.

    Like many sentimentally America fanboys of the past half-century (he always had far more affinity for the U.S as he did for Canada), my Dad probably fit into the camp of center-right folks, those Eisenhower Chamber of Commerce Republicans that are now considered an endangered species (hello, Liz Cheney). As I came into my own and did some intensive historical reading, I drifted away from my Dad’s worldview. But never entirely, for his was one that had some ability to see both sides. When he watched with me the Jon Stewart interview in 2010 on the 9/11 first responders struggling to afford healthcare, he was appalled, and said the thing that sticks in my mind to this day:

    “This isn’t the country I fell in love with.”

    My father died in 2012, years before that fateful election of eight years back. He’d known about Donald Trump, having taken me to the then newly-opened Trump Tower in New York City back in 1983. We were bedazzled by the gold, marble, and the leather shop in the lobby that made the place smell like money. I don’t know if he thought about Trump that much, other than as a New York real estate developer with a bit of an ego problem (even back then, his name was on everything).

    Trump Tower, 1983. Source: Domus

    Dreams from my father

    My Dad was always lukewarm on Obama (something we did spar about) but I doubt, had he lived, that he’d have been happy to see what became of America’s conservative party in the aftermath. Like most moderate conservatives of the age, my Dad was pro-free trade; he delighted in the opportunities NAFTA granted North Americans, including a class of work visa that helped make possible my own entry into this country. Having lost relatives in the Nazi Holocaust, he was a front-and-center liberal internationalist who believed in the global pax americana world order.

    Even his moderately socially conservative views—a product of the Mad Men era—shifted over the years; at first, it took him a bit to open up to the LGBTQ thing. Eventually, though, he came to embrace not only who I am, but went even further than that: he presided at the wedding of two of his closest friends, a queer couple of many decades.

    For so long I identified “conservative” with “my father.” This may have been exacerbated growing up in liberal Montreal, Canada, where he often prided himself on being the Churchillian contrarian, terming himself “somewhere to the right of Genghis Khan.” It wasn’t until I worked in Middle America, at a financial firm founded by evangelical Christians, that I realized that, well, he wasn’t all that conservative after all.

    Obviously, movements and ideas shift over the years—it’s hard to believe “conservative” once meant embracing the divine right of kings—but I doubt my Dad would find much to revere or admire about today’s latter-day brand of conservatism, variously dubbed Trumpism or ethno-nationalist populism. In fact, it would probably freak him the fuck out. Because, Nazis. I doubt even Trump’s apparent support of Israel would move him all that much. There’s just too many other specifics that would turn him off.

    The morning after

    Kamala supporters. Howard University, November 5, 2024. Source: NBC News

    Given that, so many of us in the progressive camp are left wondering:

    What. The. Eff. Just. Happened.

    Trump had long since lost those Chamber of Commerce conservatives. Both Liz Cheney and Cheney pére. Scores of his previous advisors from his first term in office. David Frum. Bret Stephens. He was painted, variously, as racist, incoherent, unhinged, fascistic. Given all that conservative intransigence, it was amazing that the race was even considered close; but given that, we were all bracing for days and days of delayed counts, recounts, legal challenges…basically 2020 all over again.

    In the end, it was all moot. Because the orange man won in, what by American terms can only be described as a blowout. An unambiguous win in every swing state. A significant popular vote majority—the first for a Republican President in two decades (I was around the last time it happened, in a very sullen Boston the night of John Kerry’s loss). Most likely both houses of Congress. Plus an extant conservative Supreme Court majority, care of his last term, that led to the downfall of Roe v. Wade and nationally legal abortions in this country. Heck, he’s begun winning over the very minorities he’s been known to denigrate.

    Pundits way above my pay grade are already poring over the specifics: Kamala wasn’t as strong a candidate as was needed against the charismatic Trump (say what you want about him, he has a certain Eric Cartman energy about him); the economy weighed on voters more than was given credit; the Dems were feckless, shortsighted, and far too obsessed with the woke mind virus to care about issues affecting everyday people. The list goes on.

    One thing’s clear: America’s not like a parliamentary democracy. The ones where snap elections can happen anytime, last for six weeks, and frequently involve voters picking the none-too-charismatic leader they dislike the least. I’ve often noted that for Americans, voting for a President is a bit like appointing a monarch. There needs to be more there there than simple political know-how. I maintain that both Hillary and Kamala would have made legendary, kick-ass Prime Ministers…but that’s not the job they were up for.

    The road ahead

    Maybe because it’s the second time it’s happened, but the feeling this time around seems a bit less shock-and-awe and a bit more sorrowful resignation. The world feels a lot more fractious than it did in 2016, when Brexit was still fresh and Facebook still revered. In reaction to the last Trump term, progressives reacted assertively, though some now think they overcorrected.

    I take their point, but do not fully concede it. As a young (misguided) conservative, I, too, was banged around a bit by what was then called the Politically Correct, in college back in the 1990s. Even though I’ve come around to many of their views, I recognize a certain smug, snarky, shrill stridency in progressive circles that is off-putting to many. Double that up with the fact that the once affordable-ish big cities where liberals make their homes have now become Gilded Age monuments to wealth inequality.

    It must be easy to lump all of it together—establishment conservatives; woke libs; hardcore urbanists denigrating the suburbs; students looking at the Israel/Gaza war like it’s some post-colonial flavor of Black Lives Matter (it’s not); people you knew as sweet little boys now pierced, tattooed, and asking to be called they/them—and say “fuckit; the orange guy’s a better choice.”

    Personally, I feel exhausted. It feels like almost every election in this country since 2000—practically the whole time I’ve been here—is trumpeted with the melodramatics of the Rebel assault on the Death Star. Every one is the most consequential of our lives. Every one foments wary triumph or terrified soul-searching. Comparisons are often made between our times and Europe in the 1930s. Except the 1930s ended—albeit with the greatest global conflagration in history, one whose aspects even today read like fiction: city-sized factories for extermination; firebombing whole metropolises to rubble; atomic-powered doomsday weapons. But even romantics of World War II like my Dad knew that kind of war, even if we somehow perversely wanted it again, can never again be fought. With the nuclear genie out of the bottle, it almost feels like we’re living in an eternal time loop where it’s always 1930s Europe—or 1850s America, for that matter.

    How to convince the unconvinceable

    We can’t give up on what we believe in, abandon the notion of trying. That goes double for us progressives, for whom the belief in a better world is literally the animating factor behind our belief system. It’s why we’ll never adopt the conservative belief that things can never get better—except for your little tribe building walls around everything. Or that we must stand athwart history yelling “stop.” We understand the world only spins forward. While populists like Trump promise to make things Great Again, they never really do. Beneath all the drain-the-swamp bluster is a lot of elitism-as-usual politics, and temporarily-inconvenienced-millionaire rhetoric; aggrieved Americans might believe it’s working for them, but really little of substance gets done.

    The biggest homework for progressives, I think, is to learn the lessons of the past three decades and properly apply them. Presidential candidates need to be incandescent, charismatic as well as wonkishly smart. New ideas about gender and love need to connect with people who only know old ideas. One early gay writer I once read said that prejudice against LGBTQs will dissipate once everyone knows someone who’s queer. It took decades—that was written in 1994—but it seems to have more or less come to pass. Economic ideas and programs need to be expertly marketed, with provable causality on how they improve people’s lives. There are homes nowadays that, between real-estate hyperinflation during the pandemic and interest-rate hyperinflation since, cost triple in monthly payments in 2024 than they did in 2020. For folks looking at that, and blaming the current administration (however unfairly), blandishments about “the economy” mean almost nothing.

    It’s a monumental task, I know: convincing so many who voted MAGA this time around (and there were millions of them) that the woke side’s ideas are on the right side of history. That progressive ideas can—tangibly and truly—help everyone build better lives. That the Woke Mind Virus is nothing to be afraid of, just guidelines for not being a dick toward anybody who doesn’t look, talk, or love like you. If there’s one silver lining to all this MAGA-mania, it’s that, unlike so many truly fascistic movements of the past, it’s an incoherent mishmash of poorly thought-out ideas that have little chance of succeeding.

    Their anger at the unfairness of the system is real. Our job now is to convince them there’s a better way. It’s what my Dad would’ve done for the country that he loved.

  • On Israelism, Antisemitism, Hamas, and Me

    Six months after October 7th, a long, winding journey through histories personal and political

    Old City, Jerusalem. 1971

    Start with a crazy thought: Born and raised Jewish, I’ve never once personally experienced antisemitism (also known as Judeophobia, a more accurate term for the phenomenon, and one I’m using from here on out).

    Maybe I was just lucky. Or maybe my parents and community did their part to shelter me from such cruelties. Or maybe, in spite of all my wanderings and travels, I’ve managed to remain in a bit of a bubble. Or maybe a little of all those things.

    Of course, I know about Judeophobia. My background made good and sure of that. I’ve studied it, like, a lot. I was made to watch Holocaust documentaries as a tween (whether that was altogether healthy, I’m not sure).

    And yet, one thing glares out at me though it all: though we all know what Judeophobia is, on a most profound know-it-when-I-see-it level, the question that is never answered is, well, why it is.

    Poster for the museum exhibition Der ewige Jude (The Eternal Jew). Germany, 1937. Source: United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

    What is this thing called Judeophobia?

    Think about it for a second. Homophobia (hatred of another group I belong to, and yeah, I experienced it many times) has at its core a certain messed-up, twisted logic: since sex between men and women is for procreation, anything that’s not that is no bueno. Critics would be quick to jump out and claim homophobes somehow seem fine with hetero sex that’s not for making babies. True… except even that has been verboten in ages past (and present, sadly).

    Ditto racism. People look different than you, so that creates the perception of a threat. All sorts of junky, fallacious science was dreamed up to justify it over the centuries.

    Religious wars come closer to answering the question. After all, if Protestants can battle Catholics as in Northern Ireland—or, heck, if all Christendom can mount literal Crusades to retake Jerusalem from the Muslim saracens—well, doesn’t the hate for the Jews make sense on that level? More broadly, doesn’t it just seem that humans have this awful penchant to hate and fear the different, the unknown, within the species? Call it a most toxic flavor of Freud’s narcissism of small differences.

    For me, though, that answer never fully satisfies. For one thing, as a corollary to my theory that nearly all wars are resource wars, it can be seen that most, if not all, of these religious wars operated in tandem with the grit of statecraft. This country wanted that country’s land/resources/enslavable population/perception of glory. Think vast armies clashing on medieval meadows, captured with striking artistry by painters of the Renaissance.

    But the Jews are no such people. They possess no great resources; even studies of their wealth and influence—clichés notwithstanding—sees Jews in America doing roughly as well as some other groups. They’re one of recorded history’s most ancient extant faiths, but bearing a heavy mythos and elaborate traditions—plus an aversion to proselytizing—they’ve always been few in number. Even though punching above their weight in world influence in recent centuries, they’ve never taken center stage as the world’s pre-eminent peoples the way, say, Christians, Muslims, or Han Chinese have done. It almost makes all the hate seem bitterly comical: why devote so much headspace (looking at you, Kanye) to some 0.2 percent of the human population? It borders on conspiracy theory.

    The answer, I think, lies with Steve Jobs (not Jewish, but bear with me).

    Think Different

    Apple Computer advertisements. Late 1990s

    Remember those late-1990s Apple commercials? A paean for the misfits of the world—which, at the time, included steadfast Apple users like me. Interestingly, the first two figures in the original ad from that campaign, projected in glorious slow-motion black & white, are both Jewish (Albert Einstein and Bob Dylan).

    Platitudes about God’s Chosen People or deranged Zionist conspiracy theories aside, I think there’s no real magic here: just a laser focus on learning (a superpower in the age of knowledge and industry) and a position (sometimes advantageous, sometimes not) astride two of the largest faiths on Earth—ones that Jewish culture helped start. Actually, that’s likely part of the reason for all the hate, too: even at their most openminded, Christendom and Islam have always felt an Other-ness about that small group of monotheists who didn’t want to be their kind of monotheists. That narcissism of small differences again.

    Still, all those reasons don’t fully capture it for me. There’s more, something that I think lies beneath all these reasons. This brings me back to Steve Jobs and those commercials, and leads me to my boldest statement about my culture of origin.

    I believe the Jews to be the Think Different people of humanity.

    The nerds of our species, as it were. To indulge in cliché for a minute, it’s no coincidence that the dorky persona in popular culture is frequently portrayed as, dare I say it, a tad Jewish-y (big nose, glasses, messy hair, studious). Think Woody Allen, who alone has sufficient notoriety to practically personify what I’m talking about.

    Different also means noticed. Willful divergence from the mainstream of humankind may hold great potency, but also courts fatal attention.

    Consider the heyday of pagan polytheism, some four thousand years back. In come these ragged old patriarchs fulminating in the desert about a singular abstract, universal super-being (by the way, the term for such an entity in the sci-fi series Dune—the Kwisatz Haderach—stems from two Hebrew words). Or the notion that what we believe in deep within our hearts—orthodoxy—is more important than simply going through ritual religious motions—orthopraxy. This actually holds another clue, since it introduced the burden of a guilty conscience—and in the words of essayist Maurice Samuel, “no one likes an alarm clock.”

    It doesn’t stop there: how about the notion that workers, indeed all people, should have a day of rest. Or that we should avoid certain foods (the origin of which may have been dietary, but has since gone in a totally different direction). Or that we shouldn’t proselytise others. Or that the strategic land bridge between Africa and Eurasia—literally humankind’s first rest stop on the long march out of our ancestral cradle—would be a good place to call home. Or that we should focus, to the point of obsession, on the study of a few select texts, interpreted and reinterpreted to death. Or that all these things would spawn two of the world’s biggest religions—both of which the Think Different people would subsequently reject.

    People say Judeophobia has morphed and changed through the centuries. I’d argue part of the reason is that its target has done the same. The Think Different people are an ever-shifting innovation. Where once Jews practically invented patriarchy and homophobia (sorry), nowadays it’s Jewish reformers on the front lines of women’s liberation and LGBTQ+ freedom. Where in ancient time the Israelites were rural and agrarian (and before that, nomadic herders), nowadays most Jews live in polyglot big cities.

    And so Thinking Different invites ire. A lot of ire. Luminaries from Henry Ford to architect Philip Johnson to author Roald Dahl fell into its twisted thrall.

    But it went even beyond ire; it surprised me to learn the Nazis felt a profound sense of victimhood, a notion that their kind was under threat of annihilation at the hands of the Hebrew menace. Untrue and deranged though that sounds, it helps when grappling with the obscene absurdity of it all, how a nation-state considered by many to be the pinnacle of human sophistication and achievement could build city-sized factories for the mass extermination of a people whose only real crime was, well, Thinking Different.

    Auschwitz-Birkenau. Outside Krakow, Poland.

    This is why the Think Different paradigm feels to me like the only unified-field theory of Judeophobia I can conjure up. I’m not alone in thinking this way either. It’s a potent force, the factor that ties together 1930s National Socialism, contemporary postcolonial leftists, and Islamists together. They all seem to find some way to hate the Jews, or the state the Jews built.

    Story of my life

    Let’s come back to where we started: as keenly as I’m aware of its existence, Judeophobia has never felt immediate to me. For that, I sometimes hear the Kathy Bates line from Primary Colors ringing in my head: “what a privileged fucking life you’ve had.” Well, maybe on that one front. But there’s more to my story (and, I suspect, many others) than that. And it’s more than just homophobia.

    For one thing, my backstory was different than those around me—even set against fellow Think Differents.

    My mother’s family. Somewhere between Israel and Canada. Circa 1958

    On my Mom’s side, the family story started out Ellis Island, Canadian edition, with Eastern European Jewish families coming to the New World in the early years of the Twentieth century. But, sometime in the 1940s, their path took a hard left: my grandparents, members of the Greatest Generation, met while stationed domestically during wartime. Afterward, they gave up a life in burgeoning North America in 1947 to move to…a whole other war zone. They were part of a left-wing Zionist youth movement. Even though living on a kibbutz didn’t work out for them, they remained in Palestine, and lived its violent transformation into a Jewish state.

    My aunt (Dad’s sister) and grandmother. Japan. Circa 1938

    My Dad’s family, meanwhile, lived a life that was more Great Gatsby than Fiddler on the Roof or Exodus. Someone in the extended family found a way to make a fortune overseas, and it ended my grandparents up in luxury in colonial-era Shanghai.

    Then, World War II came calling. A lucky fluke kept them out of internment camps, but not totally out of the war: my Dad would tell of Allied bombings over Shanghai, counting the length of a bomb’s whistle to guess its deadly proximity. They made it out intact, and spent two years in more luxury in postwar Italy…only to be followed by decidedly less glamorous experiences once they reached these shores. As in: they somehow found a way to lose everything they’d made across the world.

    Talk about really Thinking Different.

    Maybe because of all this difference, my parents turned out, like, super-Jew-y. Borderline Born Again. On their first date—a blind fix-up in London where they were both on holiday in the Swinging Sixties—they pledged to raise their kids with the traditional Jewish background that they’d missed out on in their respective youths. My sisters and I attended Jewish day schools, from infancy through the end of high school. Our entire social circle—nay, my entire world—was pretty much all Jewish until I was eighteen years old.

    Bar Mitzvah. Montreal. May, 1983

    Do not be fooled, however: we were not treated as some sort of Jewish aristocrats, as I think my parents sometimes fancied themselves. For me, freak better fit the way I (didn’t) fit it. Part of it was economic: we found ourselves on the ragged edge of our tight-knit community’s upward mobility. More of it was geographic: I got teased because my (White) father was born in Japan, and his background didn’t follow the Ellis Island backstory of everybody else’s bubbe and zayde in my class.

    And—yes—the homophobia: my urban, liberal community in the 1980s was no better on that front than anywhere else in John Hughes America. It might as well have been John Hughes America, or any other bougie quasi-suburb, Jewish or otherwise. Blink, and it’s Skokie or Evanston, near Chicago; Squirrel Hill, near Pittsburgh; Shaker Heights, near Cleveland; or Scarsdale, near New York City. A place where, in spite of growing up among my kind, I felt wasn’t my place. I was, in short, one of writer Blake Flayton’s (a thoughtful young queer Jewish journalist with a similar background) Jewish summer camp victims. Not because of religion or dogma; more because sometimes even the Think Different people don’t always rise above humanity’s more ignoble impulses to ostracize and exclude.

    So what? It seems so insignificant next to the fact that, according to the FBI, some 60 percent of all religiously-motivated hate crimes are rooted in Judeophobia. How the heck can anyone complain about minor misbehavior of some community cohorts when, well, all that is going on?

    Different shades of different

    Campus Protests, UNC Chapel Hill. October, 2023. Source: CNN

    Here’s where those campus leftists come back into the picture, and where my experience partly intersects with those recent charges of Judeophobia in academe. Part of that charge is my belief that—in contrast to progressive politics’ support for visible minorities and LGBTQ+ folks—liberal academics seem to have a massive blind spot for the Think Different people. Sure, Jewish immigrants may have been the huddled masses of yesteryear, but in today’s world? Just more White folks. It’s an ironic reversal, some have noted, from when over a century ago race science demonized Jews for being not White.

    Meanwhile, my crowd mostly pursued more banal aspirations: score good grades in school; attend a top-ranked university; grow a business, or else build a killer career on Wall Street. Marry, reproduce, repeat. Little boxes on a hillside, all made out of ticky-tacky, and they all look just the same (BTW, writer of that ditty? Jewish; more on that below).

    It’s been a slow, tangled process for me to disconnect Jewish identity from all that narrow meritocracy. The Think Different crowd has embraced it so passionately that they’re hated for that, too: recall the psychotically hateful fulminators bearing Tiki torches and chanting Jews will not replace us.

    Troye Sivan. Three Months (2022 film). Source: IMDB

    It’s absurd, particularly in a country and society that celebrates succcess. But it’s also incorrect. Because the Think Different people are so much more than that. The character played by queer pop singer Troye Sivan (Jewish) delivers the most fitting line in Jared Frieder’s (also Jewish) film Three Months, “there’s like six types of Jewish people, and I wanna say…two are pretty fierce?”

    Here’s to the fierce ones

    They’re what keeps me coming back to my roots, those fierce types. Likely the reason I still Google every accomplished person who I think is a Member of the Tribe to confirm it. Because some Think Different-ers helped spawn a cosmology, an entire universe of better angels. In particular, a loose grouping of modern-day scientists, writers and philosophers who embody what I’m going to call Saganism. It’s the worldview potently articulated by (who else) Carl Sagan, as well as two of his forebears and contemporaries, Isaac Asimov and the above-mentioned Einstein. Add to this group some non-Jews, too: Arthur C. Clarke and Gene Roddenberry.

    The Pale Blue Dot. Earth from Voyager One. Photo credit: NASA

    Here’s what Sagan said, upon seeing the tiny pinprick of Earth, taken from the faraway Voyager I spacecraft in 1990:

    “Look again at that dot. That’s here. That’s home. That’s us. On it, everyone you love, everyone you know, everyone you ever heard of, every human being who ever was, lived out their lives. The aggregate of our joy and suffering, thousands of confident religions, ideologies, and economic doctrines, every hunter and forager, every hero and coward, every creator and destroyer of civilization, every king and peasant, every young couple in love, every mother and father, hopeful child, inventor and explorer, every teacher of morals, every corrupt politician, every “superstar,” every “supreme leader,” every saint and sinner in the history of our species lived there — on a mote of dust suspended in a sunbeam.”

    Right?

    I’ve lost count of the number of times I’ve watched the many YouTube renditions of this soliloquy, and wept. If that’s what Thinking Different entails, it had me at hello.

    From the sublime to the tragic

    Gaza City, October 2023. Source: The Washington Post

    Sadly, current times lean far from Saganist aspirations—particularly for the Think Different people and their neighbors, fighting in the homeland both claim as theirs. It seems Sagan’s own people are trapped in the very nightmare he lays out later in that quote:

    “Think of the rivers of blood spilled by all those generals and emperors so that, in glory and triumph, they could become the momentary masters of a fraction of a dot. Think of the endless cruelties visited by the inhabitants of one corner of this pixel on the scarcely distinguishable inhabitants of some other corner. How frequent their misunderstandings, how eager they are to kill one another, how fervent their hatreds.”

    Separation barrier. Israel/Palestine. Source: Israelism (film website)

    Shortly before last fall’s cataclysmic events, a little-known film was touring the festival circuit, a documentary called Israelism. Produced by a couple of young Jewish Americans with a startlingly similar background to my own, it chronicles their questioning, and subsequent re-education, about the inaccuracies of their upbringing. Suffice it to say, it’s attracted no shortage of attention of late as the Israel-Gaza war rages on.

    I’ve read and researched this subject widely—as with the Israelism filmmakers, much more widely than my one-sided early education. What strikes me about this conflict is how much both sides seem to talk past one another. Both point to atrocities and misdeeds committed by the other as a means of undermining the other side’s credibility.

    What’s even more striking is how much attention the world is paying to all this when contrasted against other global flashpoints. Sometimes I wonder how Africans in the Sahel must feel, with their equally (or more) horrific conflicts largely ignored by the larger world, focused as it is on a few dozen square miles around the Mediterranean.

    I know what the Think Different response to this has been, one my upbringing so often reiterated: Judeophobia, pure and simple. Unease with Jewish power. Rabid hatred of infidels by radical Islamists. Lingering prejudice still rooted in the subconscious of many Christian-derived Westerners—ironically, these days, found more often on the social-justice left than on the Hobbesian right.

    Although I grew up with these notions, my later learnings added more nuance to my understanding of the conflict. Suffice it to say, while absolutely nothing justifies Hamas’ actions on October 7th, there’s a long history that offers insight into why this madness went down the way it did—and why the reaction was what it was.

    A (very) quick catch-up: Israel has a long history of both fierce fighting and hefty global criticism, having racked up an almost comical number of condemnatory UN resolutions, along with past pushes for rapid cease-fires in prior wars. I always felt there were explanations bigger than mere Judeophobia: in Cold War days, there was the inevitable superpower jockeying, with either side trying to gain an advantage without blowing up the world. Moreover, for over a century the region’s been known to be oil-rich, and the fragile geopolitics of safeguarding this valuable energy asset have played a role in every adjacent conflict. Finally, Israel/Palestine is arguably one of the few bona fide civilizational clashes of the Samuel Huntington variety, pitting a largely Western-derived nation against non-Western religion, people, and ideology.

    Claims and counter-truths

    Watching recent events, particularly in the context of the longer history, led me to another conclusion, a partial explanation for the talking past each other. It’s not just the once-misled kids from Israelism. Lots of people from all sides have limited or incomplete knowledge of this admittedly dense history. Here are some talking points that I think need to be addressed:

    Let’s start with from the river to the sea, that innocuous-seeming phrase, often suffixed with Palestine shall be free. Sounds laudable; who wouldn’t want to campaign for people’s freedom? It’s really more about what’s implied: that one people shall supplant another, or that the presence of one people is invalid and the other should occupy the entirety of the land. Leaving aside the logistical near-impossibility of relocating either party (each of which presently number around seven million), we need to ask ourselves if, in the modern age, this is really the right way to go. Maybe, for the sake of sanity, all parties agree to drop this slogan.

    Let’s move on to anti-Israel, or rejecting Israel’s right to exist. Atop charges of hate or hostility, can we all agree these are absurd, and—maybe, possibly—Judeophobic notions? If a nation is viable, functional, has an engaged polity…then disputing its right to exist makes absolutely no sense. Does anyone dispute France’s right to exist? Mongolia’s? Brazil’s? Sure, nation-states are all made-up constructs, and lots of them have ignominious pasts. But they serve as the basic organizing unit of humankind in our age. Wanting that they should evolve, holding them to address their shortcomings, fix their problems…all are laudable goals for all the world’s nations, Israel/Palestine included. But a push to utterly eradicate any nation? That has no place in any sane discourse.

    As a corollary to this, let’s take another notion: anti-Zionist. This is is usually taken to mean people who don’t support the notion of a Jewish state. Let’s unpack that. Zionism—like its constituent Think Different folk—has itself changed and morphed over the years. For right-wing religious Jews it may mean an exclusively Jewish homeland from the river to the sea. More moderate Israelis consider majority Jewish demographic numbers—which in a democracy is usually synonymous with access to the levers of power—an essential. I no longer count myself in either of those camps, but I don’t consider myself anti-Zionist. Quite the opposite.

    Let’s take another claim: the charge of colonialism. Comparisons have been made between Israel and, say, Algeria under French rule, or India under the British Raj. Indeed, some of Israel’s later historians took a look at the evidence (some of it more recently declassified), and surmised that, yes, there was more going on than once thought: purchases of land from absentee landowners in Damascus, followed by kicking peasants off the land they’d farmed for generations to make way for new Jewish settlers; to say nothing of the formation of new (Jewish) towns and settlements apart from their Arab neighbors.

    Not to be pedantic here, but this is sometimes described as settler colonialism — more like what was practiced in North America, Australia, or New Zealand. Even this charge is considered unacceptable, but I maintain that settler colonialism offers more of a platform to build a fairer society than the colonialism of the old-school kind. Countries built by people creating society afresh have, it seems, greater capacity to be held to ideals and eliminate past hypocrisies. Or at least try.

    And—yes—as with other settler societies, displacement of peoples was often in the picture. Heck, Israel’s first Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, fretted about it years before the State of Israel came into being. Historians on both sides seem to agree that Jewish settlement in the land provoked violent responses from longstanding locals. But how did it all start? In my quest to find who threw the proverbial first punch between the 1880s and 1948, I’ve come up with no easy answers. Some maintain that Judeophobia was behind it, with Arab locals viewing the Jewish new arrivals with much the same disdain as European Judeophobes. Whatever the origin story, the Think Different crowd prevailed, and formed a state in the aftermath.

    There’s another wrinkle to this colonialist charge: while Palestine hadn’t been under Jewish rule or control when those first settlers showed up in the 1880s, for millennia there had indeed been a vestigial Jewish population there. Not to mention a mythology that ran deep, and a richly-recorded ancient history.

    Not Gaza. Kowloon Walled City. Hong Kong, 1989. Source: Ian Lambot

    Let’s move on to Gaza, a place depicted hellishly, as a densely populated, open-air prison—I’ve even heard charges of concentration camp—possibly bringing to mind the no-longer extant Kowloon Walled City in Hong Kong.

    Here’s what the numbers say: if taken as a standalone country, at almost 17,000 people per square mile, Gaza is indeed up there, standing between Gibraltar (12,000 per square mile) and metropolitan Hong Kong (over 17,000 per square mile). It’s about a third smaller than the city of Chicago, and has almost as many people (2.3 million vs Chicago city’s 2.7 million). So it’s something like a city-state, or a microstate. That said, living in confinement in such a space doesn’t sound like anybody’s idea of a thriving existence, prison or otherwise.

    More recently we’ve been hearing charges of genocide. Although more recently this has been a claim on the Palestinian side against Israel, after October 7th there was likewise the charge that those attacks were a newfangled variant of the late Russian Empire-era Judeophobic riots known as pogroms. While there’s no doubt that the suffering on both sides has been horrific, I don’t think either charge quite fits the circumstances. Going by the UN definition, a genocide incorporates willful intent to eliminate another group. While the Israeli military campaign has been heavily criticized for its excesses, it still seems at its core a military operation. Gaza hasn’t been nuked, nor has a significant percentage of its population (currently over two million) been wiped out. Although some of Israel’s more extreme politicians have made some truly deplorable remarks, they haven’t gone nearly as far as what we’ve seen in the historical record. Likewise, however messed up October 7th was, I think we can agree it’s nothing like the potency of the Russian Empire unleashing its citizenry on largely defenseless Jewish peasants.

    Another misused word: Apartheid. There are resonances, but to me it doesn’t accurately describe the Israel/Palestine situation. For one thing, the conflict here isn’t racial; plenty of Jewish Israelis look like plenty of Arab Palestinians. I’d say that some measure of ethnocentrism has seeped into some parts of the discourse on both sides. But the major consideration for Israeli-Palestinian segregation has been geopolitical—relating to trust, security, rights, and resources. Israel’s policies could be termed Apartheid influenced. But they come from a very different place than the South Africa of old.

    There must be some kind of way out of here

    Gethsemane, Jerusalem. 2018

    So how do we get out of this quagmire when we have two sides that can’t even agree on each other’s reality? Although I’ve read a lot, there’s always more to unearth and reveal. So I started with the granddaddy of latter-day Judeophobia, the 1903 pamphlet The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion. Nowadays, it’s said to be popular again, this time in—you guessed it— the contemporary Middle East.

    Well…good grief. It’s hard to believe this deranged, fulminating, ludicrous fabrication—said to be minutes of a secret meeting of the great Jewish conspiracy—can be read as anything other than a cruel Python-esque parody. Then again, it’s in good company: look at some of the more extreme media in our fractured age.

    Next I watched two almost identically-named stories on Netflix that could not be more different: Farha, an international co-production indy film from 2021 about the Palestinian displacement of 1948; and Fauda, a contemporary Israeli TV series that’s been running for several years and is surprisingly popular in some unlikely places.

    Fauda’s terrific—a well-crafted thriller that manages to sensitively portray nuance on all sides. Even the critiques I did find of it made mention of the odd inaccuracy in accents or settings, but otherwise it does a good job of conveying the chaos of the conflict. Heck, its title literally means chaos.

    Farha, on the other hand, came in for considerable controversy when it came out, and it’s hard not to see why: although the initial half of the film—depicting a young Palestinian girl hidden in a storehouse in a Palestinian village under evacuation—is harrowing enough, it’s the event the eponymous girl witnesses through cracks and peepholes of the storehouse that’s truly horrifying. Jewish soldiers enter the village, and basically treat any Palestinian they find—including an abducted informant—about as horrifically as some Nazis had done to their kin, just scant years before. Sadism, child murder, summary execution. Yikes.

    Now, I know about stories of Arab villages depopulated by Jews during the 1947-1948 period, known to Palestinians as the Nakba. Some less-than-savory behavior was practiced by both sides, shitty things done in the name of war and conquest. But that’s not what Farha’s depicting. For one thing, only one side’s committing atrocities. Then again, in scouring protest videos of this film, I have yet to find someone who definitively debunked that things like this took place. Meanwhile, the Jordanian/Palestinian maker of Farha has has been a bit cagey on the details.

    Jewish folks are particularly sensitive to all this because of another old lie, the infamous blood libel. Simply put, it was the nonsensical idea that Jews made Passover matzah—basically a thin overgrown water cracker—out of the blood of Christian babies. As a die-hard carb junkie, I’ve eaten plenty of matzah in my time, and can attest it’s decidedly unsanguinary.

    Although the actual blood libel was clearly bullshit, I see the resonance, and how it relates to the terms discussed above. It’s fair and healthy for the Think Different people to be criticized for conduct unbecoming. But it’s unhelpful at the least, and potentially Judeophobic at the worst, to make accusations that verge on the extreme.

    To that end, I read and looked further…and the results weren’t encouraging. I read Rashid Khalidi’s book The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine, and gleaned one interesting data point: the (non-Jewish) locals in Palestine were always opposed to a Jewish state. Pretty much from Day One. They’ve always viewed it as a colonial project—even when tens of thousands of European refugees fleeing a genocidal regime turned up on their shores in the 1930s. Ironically, Palestinian hostility toward Jewish immigration back then evokes some of the backlash we’ve seen over the past decade in Europe against refugees from another Middle Eastern tinder-pot. I can understand a people’s uncertainty and unease with rapid change, or migration of a different kind of people into your lands. But the sheer ferocity of these reactions is, frankly, a bit chilling.

    Sadly, this attitude persists into the present day. I’ve been following some of the anti-Zionist coverage in recent weeks, and the accusations are again incredible. I’m reposting these, unsure of their accuracy or veracity. I get that this is a war, attitudes are strained, and people are angry. But these don’t strike me as thoughtful, or even properly fact-checked.

    A different kind of response

    Given that, I think something needs to happen, believe the Think Different nation might benefit from a course correction. The old-school globocop routine—and concomitant hardass day-to-day attitudes and behaviors—worked fine when fighting nation states in the 1960s, but it hasn’t been effective at winning the most important battle of all: the one for the hearts and mind of the global community.

    First things first: I’m not sanctioning trying to reason with with the likes of Hamas (or Hezbollah, or their daddy state Iran’s leadership). I give Rashid Khalidi’s book credit for at least acknowledging that a large part of Palestinian suffering has been their own failed leadership (though nary a mention of the expulsion of Jews from Arab lands), combined with unfailing intransigence from their Arab brethren. Heck it goes on even now: just ask how many Gazans have been allowed into Egypt in the last six months. These days, at least, sovereign Middle East nations have abandoned their deranged notions from the 1960s. Meanwhile, the Hamas charter reads like a Unabomber manifesto. I can only hope that supporters of personal choice, progressive values, and Palestinian liberation (looking at you, campus leftists) to look with better eyes, and renounce support or sympathy for this kind of leadership. However problematic or dickish you may think the Think Different nation has acted, Hamas isn’t the answer. They no more represent decolonization than the ultra-rich Osama Bin Laden stood for global justice and equality.

    As for the Think Different crowd, many of whom have given up on trying to appease the world, I recommend Thinking Different a little more: confront and address accusations instead of ignoring them. Take every blood-libel allegation seriously. Do everything possible to seize the moral high ground. If a military raid leads to civilian casualties, get in front of the story before Hamas’ Health Ministry does. In my view, every global protest against Israel is a failure of its own administration to effectively make its case on the global stage.

    As to how much military force is best? I lack the expertise to answer that question. Others have tried. My only thought is that it seems to me the Israeli response is based on a fatal misconception Western countries have held since World War Two: that it’s possible to wage total, lethal, overwhelming war on an enemy combatant in a quest for unconditional surrender. But we can’t fight World War Two again, not in an age or atomic weapons and the internet. The war must also be fought on other fronts. Just ask Ho Chi Minh.

    In the long term, in the aftermath, we all know what must happen is not what the extremes on either sides want: a permanent Jewish majority in all the land for all time; or, a re-housing of every Palestinian in the exact home they once occupied eighty years ago on another. And why should either of those even be desirable? As commentator Bill Maher put it in a recent closing bit on his show, things change. The world only spins forward. But it can spin forward into something better, something where the injustices of the past are met with real answers instead of more injustice.

    The Think Different people have at least made a start, with a demoralized yet still-extant crowd of New Historians like Benny Morris, Tom Segev and Amos Elon, along with present-day commentators like Peter Beinart and historian Yuval Noah Harari. It’s the Palestinian camp that has a lot of work to do. The way Palestinian leadership has confronted the Jewish state through history has been an unyielding pageant of missed opportunities. However you feel about what’s gone down over the past century or so, it’s far better to build from what we have than to expend all our effort into trying to destroy it all. To wit: Hamas has built more tunnels for its combatants over the past years than exist on the New York City Subway.

    View from the Western Wall, Jerusalem. 2018

    Obviously, none of us can say what the exact form of a now-fantastical final settlement to this conflict will be. But if we really want to Think Different, we must not give up on imagining it. Maybe the State of Israel can remain a Jewish state—constitutionally-enshrined Law of Return to boot—without necessarily having a Jewish majority; maybe, if the Palestinians can give up on their generational hostility to such a state, they can slowly become a part of it, make it an ever richer variant of what it already is. A national homeland for the Jews, and a continuation of the homeland that always was for the myriad inhabitants who’ve been there for centuries. Like their more moderate—and prosperous—Sunni Gulf state neighbors of late, the Palestinian polity has a golden opportunity to be constructively associated with one of the world’s most prosperous, dynamic nation-states.

    It seems nuts—but then, so, too was the notion of a united Europe when Einstein proposed it in the 1930s. For those who think this is not only utopian but logistically impossible, I offer up a place right under everyone’s nose where such a model, huddled masses and all, has actually worked quite well—and, guess what? It’s Israel itself.

    Yes, really. Under the big tent of ancient Abrahamic culture, the State of Israel gathered in scores of emigrés and refugees from immensely diverse places. From Hoboken to Hamburg to the Horn of Africa, they have come. Heck, my own family even did a stint there when I was a child, and my dim early memories were of a place far more diverse than the community I grew up around in North America. I retain extended family in the region, and, though I’ve been far from this conflict for so much of my life, I want only the best, safest outcome for all of them. And that’s indeed why I don’t consider any of this anti-Zionist at all.

    Road tripping around Israel in the family Volvo. Circa 1975

    You may say I’m a dreamer. That we tried it with Oslo in the 1990s, and failed. That the turbulent world of now makes all this fantasizing as plausible as Vulcans and warp drive. Maybe so. But maybe, too, it takes a onetime summer camp victim of the Think Different tribe to encourage us not to give up, and that it doesn’t pay us to lean in to the less-desirable aspects of narrow meritocracy or hardcore militarism.

    Basically, I dare us to do better. Because—once again paraphrasing those Apple commercials—only the ones crazy enough to change the world are the ones who do.

    Further reading

    A lot has been published on this subject; here are a few of my selections (not necessarily in any order):

    The Israelis: Founders and Sons. One of the first historical self-examinations of Israel that cast a more critical eye

    A History of Israel. A comprehensive, lays-out-the-facts explainer. Lengthy and detailed

    Orientalism. Not directly about the conflict, but written by renowned Palestinian professor Edward Said on the deep roots of the West’s fascination with the East

    Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict. Another self-examination of the conflict’s past

    The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust. How the Holocaust and the State of Israel are interrelated

    My Promised Land. Another incisive reading of the region’s history from a more personal standpoint

    The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine. What appears to be an authoritative snapshot of present-day Palestinian thinking on the conflict

  • How everything changed the year I was born

    Photo from metv.com

    “I had always felt that the Devon School came into existence the day I entered… was vibrantly real while I was a student there, and then blinked out like a candle the day I left.”

    – John Knowles, A Separate Peace (1959 novel)

    How many of us think that not just about school, but about the world itself? Probably every human that has ever lived imagines the year of their birth is the most important in all the years that ever were.

    That said, some lay better claim than others. Call it my corollary to the quote ascribed to Lenin about weeks when decades happen. I’m betting Germans born around 1989 think so about their year, as do Americans birthed in 2001. Or, for that matter, most anyone born most anywhere in 1945.

    To that end, I’d like to submit 1970 into the roster.

    Qualification One: I’m talking more about the small cluster of years around it, the late-nineteen-sixties and early seventies. Qualification Two: I’m largely focusing on the United States and Canada, though there’s sizable relevance to other Western countries, and, by extension, the rest of the world.

    The overall bigness of 1970

    Not just that it’s a round number — always convenient for counting birthdays. Though a part of me wonders if, given our base-ten numbering system and our generations lasting about twenty years, we tend to subconsciously bring about cadences, ebbs and flows in time that match our notions of major markers. Whatever the reason, it’s been widely noted that after 1970, things just… shifted.

    The decade before it offers clues. Love ‘em or hate ‘em, few deny the impact of the Sixties. The decade when the Betty Crocker post-World War II family order began breaking down. The promise of that order worked out great for straight, white, cis guys… but for practically nobody else. Agitators for change made it out there in the 1960s, but it wasn’t until the coming decade that change became reality.

    That’s evident in two big trends: the ending of the draft in 1973 and the shift in women admitted to college since then (interestingly, the charts for this trend all seem to start in 1970).

    Queer(er) Nation

    From article in nytimes.com

    1967 may have been the dawning of the Age of Aquarius, but 1970 was the era of Stonewall. Not initially considered a big deal by mainstream society—and by no means the only LGBTQ+ uprising to have happened back then, it nonetheless stands out. A for-real uprising against the police — a police, of the time, enforcing purposeless, horrifically persecutory laws. Laws that criminalized certain groups right to meet one another, to find connection, experience love. One year after the riots, the earliest marches of what we now know as the Pride movement started. Both happened within months of my arrival on this world. You could say I was literally born with Gay Liberation (though it took me awhile to figure it out).

    Actually, that’s another disclaimer: big change sometimes takes time, and only looking back do we trace its spark. Even though I’d grown up mostly after being LGBTQ+ had been removed from psychiatry’s Diagnostic and Statistical Manual as a mental affliction, I personally can speak to that notion having persisted for way too long in society. Don’t believe me? Watch any John Hughes 1980s high school movie. The Stonewall spark built very slowly to the roaring blaze it is now.

    But it got lit around 1970.

    Sex, drugs and rock ‘n roll

    “They are not your friends… and they will ruin rock and roll and strangle everything we love about it.”

    – Cameron Crowe, Almost Famous (2000 film)

    Photo by Documerica on Unsplash

    Music’s probably the first thing people think about when they talk about the 1970 barrier. The violence at the Rolling Stones concert at Altamont Speedway in December 1969 is where many analyses start. It led to greater professionalization of the industry, those big arena rock shows of the seventies.

    Then, in 1970, the Beatles broke up. Come to think of it, the arc of their career traces the big social changes that brought us to 1970. A decade before, guys took ladies on a date to a supper club for some ballroom dancing, as they had for generations. Ten year later, it was nightclubs, LSD, and the hippie-hippie shake amid a newly-free college generation. Don’t believe me? Watch Mad Men through its entire run. Or read about the demise of in loco parentis.

    From noble causes to Pentagon Papers and Watergate

    “You had Kennedy. I didn’t. I’ve never heard a president say ‘destiny’ and ‘sacrifice’ without thinking, ‘bullshit.’ Okay, maybe it was bullshit with Kennedy, too. But people believed it.”

    – Mike Nichols, Primary Colors (1998 film)

    Photo by Documerica on Unsplash

    The Sixties bore the curse of interesting times. For all the idealism, things were far from idyllic; heck, the world nearly ended before the decade was even halfway out. But a certain broader idealism feels like it was lost. When Ron Kovic goes off to war in Born of the Fourth of July (not my favorite movie, but bear with me here) sometime in the Sixties, his town is all golden and gauzy; when he returns, the Seventies have dawned, and the place is dirty and run-down.

    It’s a malaise that had tangible turning points: in June, 1971 the Pentagon Papers came out, detailing what America’s government was really up to in Vietnam. Looking back, it seems almost unfathomable—in our age of smartphones, nonstop news, and five decades of jadedness about military misconduct—to really picture how long stuff like this took to disseminate, and how earth-shattering it was when it did.

    But when it finally all came out, it shifted the paradigm: a government and military that, a mere quarter-century before, had led the Greatest Generation to heroic victory in the Second World War was now up to no good, destabilizing the very world people thought they were saving. Even the military-industrial complex’s most sacred offshoot, the space program, saw its mighty, decade-long initiative come to fruition in the summer of sixty-nine. Think of space exploration what you will, we’re still struggling to exceed what was all over and done with by the time the New Years bell rang on 1970.

    With Apollo-era heroics closing, a darker door was opening. A gate, actually. Or, rather, a building named for one: Watergate. So central has it been to the notion of government scandal, crime, and cover-up, that the suffix -gate is now applied to nearly every scandal since.

    The tipping point of economic inequality

    From Robert Reich to Thomas Piketty, economists and thinkers are nearly unanimous in declaring 1970 the rough threshold where economic inequality in Western countries — America most especially — began to rise.

    My take on why is actually related to the above: after they failed to snag a lock on Betty Crocker conservatism in the Sixties, the crowd so inclined to such ideas went in another direction. They even had a perfect pretext, thanks to another series of events that happened around 1970. Back then, and still now, humankind’s most vital ingredient to make the modern world happen. A three-letter word: oil.

    Photo by Documerica on Unsplash

    Specifically, the OPEC embargo of 1973. To an even greater degree than the whipsawing economy of the past few years, the 1970s oil shocks roiled America. It all happened care of another peak: America transitioning from a net oil exporter to oil importer (something that’s only been partly reversed in our time of fracking).

    These were the real causes of 1970s stagflation, an economic reality that was the very opposite of the go-go decade before. Adding to it were America’s once-defeated, now-rebuilding economic rivals starting to mount a challenge to U.S. manufacturing. With everything feeling like it was going downhill, it’s no surprise that challengers to the liberal economic consensus came out of the woodwork.

    We all know what happened next: the Reagan era, Morning in America, the complexities and contradictions of the 1980s. They accelerated and reinforced a self-fulfilling prophecy, one where it’s believed the only way toward “progress” is through a greater risk/reward mechanism, one that leads, seemingly inevitably, toward ever more unequal outcomes. Whether or not you agree that this is inevitable (I sure don’t) the fact is, the movements that pinioned around 1970 were the forces that shaped our times.

    The New Hollywood

    Photo by Matt Popovich on Unsplash

    We already went through music. But there’s another cultural touchstone that got a major rethink around 1970. Old Hollywood had been on the decline for years — by which I mean the system of studio bosses, vertical integration of production and distribution, capped off with Production Code-mandated soft censorship that forced movies to be redemptive and wholesome. By 1970, the Production Code was repealed, and as film critic Michael Medved once remarked, the winning Oscar for Best Picture went from movies like The Sound of Music, in 1965, to Midnight Cowboy in—you guessed it—1970.

    But that wasn’t the end of the story. As with the rise of political neoconservatism, movies saw a classical return to form around a decade later — with the very movies that shaped the generation of kids born around 1970. Star Wars, Indiana Jones, Superman; these cultural classics remain relevant to us today.

    But, as with political neoconservatism, the movies of the New Hollywood still pulled in elements of the 1970 pivot: characters drank, swore, weren’t always good. Even the trademark happy ending of Old Hollywood days wasn’t safe. Both E.T. and Titanic, two of the biggest New Hollywood movies of the last four decades, don’t end in happily-ever-afters.

    The New New Hollywood: Silicon Valley

    Tech has so permeated our lives and our media that it probably seems almost bizarre to compare it to its SoCal counterpart. And tech had been big for awhile: histories of Silicon Valley cite the more general “electronics” industry as a player in U.S. economic activity even back in the 1960s (though much of it was corporate, military or academic back then). But it didn’t have the It status it does now, and again we find a pivot around our target year: the invention of the microprocessor, in 1971, by a wobbly, but still-major player of today: Intel.

    We all think of the microprocessor as enabling something called “miniaturization,” but I’ve always found that word to be paradoxical, since it’s describing how absolutely frikken huge this innovation really was.

    It wasn’t just that pre-microprocessor-age computers were bigger; they often required massive amounts of manual labor to assemble, and a significant amount of on-site maintenance when active. Then, in one stroke, the microprocessor took all that away. Picture the slow, painstaking steps we’ve taken toward nuclear fusion happening in weeks instead of decades. Or if we, one day, somebody just rolled out a car that travelled a thousand miles per hour, all while using virtually no energy and totally safe. It basically made one of sci-fi’s holy grails — thinking machines — entering the realm of the everyday in just a couple of generations. Imagine if we cracked warp drive that quickly.

    Maybe the computer chip is the biggest paradigm breaker from around 1970 — though, as we’ve seen, it’s not necessarily the path to salvation we may have thought. Actually, that’s a trope: all the things we’ve brought up have led some economic historians to consider the period after 1970 one of decline in American growth. In everything, that is, except computer technology, and its applications. Tech may indeed aid our salvation in the end — or may be the catalyst toward ever-greater doom. Either way, the big boost came right around 1970.

    On that note, One More Thing: January 1, 1970 is also Epoch Time Zero for all things UNIX-based. Here’s looking at you, iPhone, Android, and Mac.

    The end of optimism?

    Photo by Documerica on Unsplash

    With all these transitions and upsets, it’s tempting to look at 1970 as the border-line to dystopia. All the above implies a rise in cynicism, a trait most closely associated with the generation bisected at its midpoint by that year. I’m talking about my generation, Gen X. A popular teen movie from 1989 dubbed us the “why bother” generation, in contrast to the (however maligned) idealistic optimism of the Baby Boomers. We may have grown up under Morning in America, but that deceptively positive message was really targeted at Boomers. Lots of us Xers saw it for what Primary Colors called it: bullshit. It’s impossible to watch movies like The Breakfast Club or Heathers and not think how irredeemably hopeless everything feels. Sure, the world has sucked before, but I doubt anyone’s been quite so aware of it, under circumstances so existential, as the generation that grew up in the shadow of both economic decline and the atomic age.

    But still, I move that all is not lost. The generations that came after the one cleaved by 1970 hold a different outlook. Millennials were the first to voice full-throated hope again, and took many of the progressive ideals of the 1960s to the next level. Cynics may call it performative or politically correct, but I maintain the conversation moved forward on their watch. And emerging Gen Z, largely the kids of Xers, has again made agitating for social change great again. There, too, 1970 offers an echo: the very first Earth Day was held that year.

    Photo by Documerica on Unsplash

    Hopefully it makes change-agitators the true inheritors of 1970, the ones best poised to take on the mantle of fixing the world. It’s become clear over the past decade that, in spite of progress in many places, things seem ever more precarious on Planet Earth than they have in a while.

    A while, I maintain, of about half a century.

    Think you have a birth year with similar significance? I’d be interested to hear about it in the comments below.

  • I went on a trip around the world over a decade ago, and most of my observations were wrong.

    Dawn over Namibia. October, 2008

    “The real voyage of discovery consists not in seeking new landscapes, but in having new eyes.” – Marcel Proust

    I still remember that late-summer evening when I boarded British Airways flight 94. My first flight across the Atlantic in over two decades.

    I had seven months planned out. Every continent on Earth save Antarctica. Though I was always big into travel, I hadn’t set foot outside North America since adolescence. I’d lived and visited all over my home continent. But even as the son of two first(ish)-generation immigrants, I had no adult exposure to what it was like Over There.

    When asked, I had the usual American-style excuses ready: not enough time, not enough money. They’re powerful reasons when they’re true, and they’re true for many. Fewer than a fifth of the human race has any kind of regular access to air travel. While I’ve been grateful enough to be a part of that fifth, I used the opportunity to stay in my home continent for many years.

    Why? Like so many in this country, I fell a bit for the notion that my home continent was kind-of enough, at least for the time being. I never wanted to be a struggling newbie in foreign lands, some awkward guidebook-toting tourist trying to figure out how to ask for the bathroom.

    Kyoto, Japan. January, 2009

    But then, things shifted. My 1990s-era optimism about America was starting to fade — after 9/11, two wars, a misbegotten Presidency, and, ultimately, a real-estate crash. I wasn’t sure if travel would answer life’s big questions, I wrote in my journal, but at least it forces us to look at them from someplace else. In 2008, many someplace elses were needed.

    The global rainbow

    First off, yes, it happened: I had my mind blown. But not in the ways you’d expect.

    Machu Picchu. March, 2009

    First big surprise: all those places cynics had written off as touristy or tired or predictable. OK, some of them were… but many, many, many more were just plain awesome. Not just places, but people. I met a kaleidoscope of them, and all those clichés about fellow travelers and citizens of the world made sense on a truly visceral level. It’s cliché for a reason, I mused, but we all really do have a lot more in common than we realize.

    Also: traveling the world was so much easier than expected, or feared. Granted, I was pretty organized, planning some things out while leaving a lot of other things to chance. As for those horror stories about lost luggage and food poisoning and getting robbed? Both happened to me back home—before the trip—but not on the trip itself. Trains and planes (mostly) left and arrived on time. I never got anything worse than a throat infection—and that in a country where I happen to have a doctor relative; a buck-fifty’s worth of antibiotics and I was on my way. Heck, even the weather was great most everywhere I went… except for that minus-twenty week in Beijing. Silver lining: I had the Great Wall almost to myself.

    Great Wall, Badaling, People’s Republic of China. January, 2009

    Timing played a role. 2008 marked something of a sweet spot in world navigability: just enough Internet out there to make connecting easier, but not so much as when filter bubbles closed us off. Even with the financial crash hitting big back home, overseas—at least where I went—the party was still going on.

    Meanwhile, I rid myself of many preconceptions. I used to think of the Old World as, well, old. Dirty. Used up. Fractured by ancient hatreds. Instead, I saw a gleaming new Europe, one continent like never before, stitched together by amazing high-speed trains. Berlin had just finished putting itself back together. London looked nothing like the fusty old place I remembered from when I visited as a teen. This world was slick, modern, and—in the right places—party central.

    Brandenburg Gate, Berlin. November, 2008

    That was true for me on another level: I found thriving LGBTQ life in Tokyo, Cape Town, Singapore, Lima, and (yes) Moscow—on top of well-known standbys like Amsterdam, Bangkok, and Buenos Aires. I encountered friendly locals in Jordan, Cambodia, and Peru. Bathed in 2008 Olympics afterglow, I marveled at China’s recent rise—that remarkable stadium complex in Beijing; the elegantly restored historic neighborhoods of Shanghai; those incredible airports; those young professionals sipping lattes at Starbucks whose parents, I mused, might have endured life in labor camps.

    The Bund. Shanghai, China. January, 2009

    I also encountered fellow Americans, and while some impressed me, others, well… let’s just say that, with the Yankee laser-focus on career ambition, few Americans with wherewithal to travel were doing it “just be” style like young (or not-so-young) Europeans, Australians, or South Africans on their Gap Years. Heck, that was practically the point of the bestseller of the time, Eat, Pray, Love.

    with American college students. Macchu Pichu. March, 2009

    Maybe that’s what made me celebrate the world I encountered, and contributed to my attitude that, while we in America were relapsing into partisan bickering and economic mismanagement, the rest of the globe was figuring it out. Waking up from history.

    An Atlanticist’s Kool-Aid sugar crash

    Coming home in mid-2009, I held on, wanting to believe the great stuff I’d experienced could translate into lessons learned back home. Our new leadership had to get it, understand the lessons of the world and move America into the leadership role it always professed to hold. Especially then, since that leadership was headed by a man who embodied the connected world: a Middle American Mom, an East African Dad, and a birthplace smack in the middle of Earth’s biggest ocean. I watched his election late into the night from a sports bar in Prague, audaciously hoping that this would put us back on track, back to the hopeful 1990s and those dreams of a New World Order.

    You can guess how I’ve been feeling over the past weeks, or for that matter, the last half-decade.

    I used to repeat the mantra “war in Europe is no longer possible” so many times that it must by now be etched into my skull. I bought Thomas Friedman’s Golden Arches theorem in a big way, enjoying that company’s offerings in once-unthinkable places, though more for the symbolism than for the Big Macs.

    McDonald’s. Moscow, November, 2008.

    I think there’s a kind of perverse naïveté among Gen Xers like me— a generation who otherwise rank as history’s greatest group of cynics. We learned in school about the scary first two-thirds of the Twentieth century: two World Wars, the Bomb, the Iron Curtain, the Cuban Missile Crisis, Vietnam, Ronald Reagan’s Evil Empire speech.

    But it’s what came after school that marked us: watching that same Wall come down, peacefully no less; the Evil Empire disintegrating not long after; South Africa freeing, then electing, Nelson Mandela; Northern Ireland forming a lasting peace; the Middle East coming within sight of doing the same. And all that before Y2K ended up a giant party. Apocalypse? Pshaw. I mean, what other generation became adults just as a book literally named The End of History came out?

    Zen and the art of being wrong

    Predicting the future is dicey business, but you get a pass for failing as a fortune-teller. What’s more embarrassing is to realize you got it wrong about the present. What was right before my eyes. Being out there, in the moment, in the world, and not really taking in what’s before you. Granted, I was hardly the first person to get out there and see what I wanted to see; I doubt I’ll be the last.

    What did I miss? My intellectuals and party friends (sometimes the same people) in London were grand… but didn’t help me understand, or even uncover, the side of Britain that voted the way they did six years later. Leave that marvel of post-World War II unity? Insanity. Looking over the lights of Cairo, I dreamed of a city ready for a glorious revolution… sure, it came, a scant three years later, but didn’t change much of anything in the end. Nowadays it’s hard to say Egypt’s any better off than it was fourteen years ago. I met up with gays in Moscow, oblivious not only to Putin’s recent war in Georgia, but also his incipient homophobia at home. I didn’t make it to Ukraine, but in years since worked with offshore tech teams from there. I always thought of their country as a part of the connected world I experienced, those talking heads on Zoom calls an echo of places I did visit, like Czechia or Germany. I wonder how those former colleagues are holding up these days.

    We may feel far from it, here in North America, but it’s no less heartbreaking, reading headlines that seem torn out of history books. Clearly, some of us held on to the heady optimism of the 1990s too long, felt we’d transcended the ancient cruelties we as a species have visited upon each other for eons. We reached the brink of Armageddon, went the notion, sometime around the Cuban Missile Crisis, and have since been on a decades-long process of climbing out of it.

    Except, history isn’t always a smooth climb upward. For many of us, coming to terms with that is a feature—a limitation, perhaps—of a whole life philosophy. I’ve long been critical of pessimists who believe in an intractable “human nature,” the inalienable human feature conservatives so often cite as the reason things will never really get better. Maybe I thought otherwise, that human nature’s push for self-preservation finally saw the light after the nuclear age, realized there was no way out of the stalemate but to become better to each other.

    Hope and (more) travel

    Utopian? Maybe. Or maybe just too soon. H.G. Wells—and Star Trek, Wells’ biggest modern-day standard bearer—posited that we can grow up as a species, sure, but only after enduring great cataclysm and existential shift from the outside (I’m looking at you, Vulcans). Simply proclaiming the Cold War over and nuclear war unthinkable wasn’t enough. And no matter how much of the world one sees when traveling, the picture you bring back is always going to be incomplete.

    Over California. June, 2021

    Don’t get me wrong: I still very much believe in going Over There, believe it’s a key lynchpin for breaking barriers, widening horizons, and trying to build a more complete picture for us and for generations to come. It’s something I aim to pass on to our young son, now taking his first steps in new places.

    Maybe it’s partly for his sake I haven’t fully let go of big-picture hope. With everything going on these days, it seems improbable to imagine that we collectively will figure things out one day without great cataclysm and destruction. But then, everything’s improbable—which is maybe both the lessons of one’s younger travels, and a reminder to all idealistic liberal internationalists. The future is always murky, and even given the darkness and pessimism of the past years and weeks, nothing in history is ever over. Or guaranteed.

  • How I got on board with political correctness

    Photo by Markus Spiske on Unsplash

    You might say I came of age at the dawn of political correctness.

    It was a generation ago. I was in college, back when Baby Boomer academics, those folks who opposed Vietnam and the draft, hit their career stride. They began questioning all that Dead White Male canon of Western thought. Back then, I was actually on board with conservative PC critics, the ones who called it illiberal and closed-minded. You can probably guess why.

    For one thing, I counted myself in their political camp. And even though I wasn’t really all that conservative, part of what I bought about conservatism, in the Reagan-Bush days, was that gains made in past ages—those battles fought for rights and justice—were over and done for. Won and assumed. In the post-civil rights era, went the thinking, there’s absolutely no need to make a big hoo-ha about linguistic trifles. Women can work and vote, so no need to spell womyn with a y or call it herstory. All that’s just performative b.s. In fact, sayeth the conservative, then as now, the real thing to be worried about is the latter-day leftist Thought Police, those Feminazis enforcing codes of speech, keenly attuned to trigger warnings. Plus, what are we supposed to call our heroes? Superperson? Wonder Individual? Puh-lease.

    But then, like Elpheba in Wicked, something changed within me. Actually, more like, I realized what was always there: my membership in LGBTQ nation. But, believe it or not, that didn’t change my stance on PC-ness just yet. I’d been so convinced of the illiberalism of the PC police that at first I thought they were the problem, the reason I didn’t figure myself out sooner.

    What’s behind all that PC bashing?

    These days, decades later, it’s not just conservatives who scoff at political correctness. This past summer a bunch of writers and artists, many on the progressive side of things, published a letter on Justice and Open Debate. In it, they warned against dogma and coercion, the inevitable by-products of PC thinking.

    One area that’s always been a PC target is humor. By its very nature, comedy is supposed to poke fun at the absurd—and what better way to do so than to veer hard into things that ought not be said? What, say they, we can’t make jokes about gay hairdressers or lesbian truck drivers anymore? We’re not being bigoted or homophobic, say the comics. We’re making fun of those dolts who don’t get that it’s wrong.

    That’s the big accusation from the anti-PC crowd: that there are no allowances for irony, parody, and satire, that PC thinking is too dense and dogmatic to comprehend motivation. Actually, here’s another place my past experience helps, as I think about my changing feelings on adult animated TV shows like The Simpsons, South Park, and Family Guy.

    In my early, anti-PC days, I wasn’t a fan of these shows. They seemed like snarky liberal fare that simplistically pilloried complex ideas and institutions. The non-PC nature of them wasn’t an issue—in fact, it appeared like they were in fact defending the PC worldview by making parodies so obnoxious as to make political correctness seem, well, correct.

    But there’s another way of looking at these shows, as well as some earlier TV comedy—All in the Family for example. The show looked like it had a super-progressive outlook, with Meathead giving it to Archie Bunker and his wacky-doodle conservatism. I’d heard it said that was part of the boomerang effect that explained the show’s huge success: lots of conservatives tuned in as well, because they liked Archie and his way of thinking. This is not unlike wannabe criminals watching gangster movies, or wannabe workplace bullies watching The Devil Wears Prada or Swimming With Sharks. Parodies often attract the unintentional approbation of those who are its targets.

    The case for politically correct humor

    I think about these shows now, years later, and my prior feelings about them now seem to make the case for political correctness rather than against it. If a show initially intended to appeal to critics of something ends up attracting people in favor of that something, has the message really gotten through? Sure, the show got (or gets) good ratings, but somehow that doesn’t seem like a great thing if it emboldens the wrong people.

    There’s a way out of this. Decidedly non-PC comedians such as Sarah Silverman have acknowledged that their earlier work may have been insensitive, and have adapted and changed with the times. All culture operates within norms, and I think some of PC culture is simply nudging us to adjust our norms a little.

    That’s where conservatives lost me a long time ago: they don’t seem to get that. They also fail to understand the PC agenda, which is that the very subtlety of those cultural norms is what makes them so powerful. In my own life, it took me years to stop dismissing the existence of stuff like heteronormativity, and to realize how real and pernicious it can be.

    We tend to think of prejudice as something awful and overt, those scenes in somber Jim Crow-era period pieces where the white Southern sheriff liberally uses the n-word. Or reports of two straight guys from Laramie leaving a gay kid to die hanging on a fence. Sure, those things happened, and were indescribably awful. But it’s all too easy to be appalled by such events, and tut-tut that it’s nothing like who we are. By Star Wars-ifying reality, we feel good that we aren’t Darth Vader.

    Except even Star Wars isn’t that simple. Neither is bigotry. Over the years, I‘ve begun to see subtle patterns of behavior, in myself and others: the way we might be a bit more short with a customer service agent of a visible minority. The way we talk about sketchy parts of town. And—yes—the way so many movies of the last century ended with the guy getting the girl, but never, never two girls or two guys getting each other.

    Fragility and Cancel Culture

    Clearly, then, prejudice and intolerance exists on a spectrum. It’s rarely as straightforward as bigoted/not bigoted. Attitudes and assumptions sometimes need to be questioned and rethought, to understand where things came from, and why they are the way they are. At its most thoughtful, political correctness is an evaluation, a means of recognizing why so many assumed ideas and words were built on foundations of injustice.

    The pushback against this, as the book White Fragility suggests, primarily comes from privileged folks who previously never had to look this stuff squarely in the face. Most often, the defensive refrain goes: If I’m not offended, and I didn’t mean to offend, the offense doesn’t exist.

    Ultimately, that’s what I think political correctness boils down to: do we hold people accountable for unintended consequences of what they said or did? Where do we draw the line at “free speech?” Maybe it’s hailing from a land with stronger anti-hate speech laws, but I’ve always felt there’s a place for decorum, for nuance, for placing a few—albeit not many—limits on the right to offend. If the offense carries forward odious traditions with deep-rooted significance…well, maybe that joke about gay hairdressers needs to be dropped.

    That brings us to Cancel Culture, and the oft-stated notion that shunning or deplatforming someone violates our free speech principles. Actually, I’d rebut, it doesn’t. Even if somebody loses their Op-Ed column or Twitter account or TV show, they aren’t being silenced…they’re just being shown the door by a private corporation responding to market pressure. They’re still free to express their opinion elsewhere. This is where all the claims of illiberalism fall apart: I can’t think of anybody in the PC sphere who’s suggesting gulags or permanent exile for violators of norms. Everyone has the right to speak their mind—but if you perpetuate hate speech by belittling or mocking historically marginalized groups, your speech may find a more limited audience.

    By that token, political correctness is something we’ve always practiced. And it’s certainly been misused—comedian Bill Maher’s 1990s-era show, itself called Politically Incorrect, was canceled after he made one offhand (and I happen to think, accurate) comment about the 9/11 hijackers. Maybe that’s instructive as well: the goal of PC thinking isn’t to be a blunt axe. Instead, it’s to be more nuanced and thoughtful—not less. It’s to keep the conversation going—not shut it down—about what it means to be both a free and a considerate society.

  • The conscience of an ex-conservative

    Photo by Isai Ramos on Unsplash

    For you loyal readers, you may recognize the journey-based subheading: it’s almost the same one I used on a post four years back—a lifetime ago, seems like, in the lead up to the last Presidential election. There I told about my immigration path in America. But there’s a life journey that goes back even further.

    The way I was (and wasn’t)

    It’s hard to believe—least of all to me these days—that I once called myself conservative.

    OK, I wasn’t really, not by the standards in America today, or even those back then. I wasn’t even living in the U.S. at the time. In my case, I was really just copying (some) family and (some) community, folks who were more in the neoconservative mold like Marty Peretz or Paul Wolfowitz.

    I was also an obedient, closeted nerd, and in my life back then, the liberals/libertines seemed to be my biggest tormentors. I was just a kid, not some celebrity journalist, but my journey was a lot like David Brock’s, whose book I read many years later and could deeply relate. Between that and (yes) a high-school reading of The Fountainhead, the worldview seemed set: progressive ideas are nice in theory, but in practice are always co-opted by mean, selfish or lazy people, and therefore have no chance of working. Only competition and the free market can channel human ugliness to its highest and best use.

    I was never a social conservative per se, but as with a lot of fiscal and geopolitical neocons, some ideas seeped in. Since the party kids were such assholes, it made sense for me to live a life of abstinence. But that was as far as I went. I never disbelieved evolution, always believed recreational drugs should be legalized (going so far as to write a tenth-grade essay about it), and absolutely supported a woman’s right to choose.

    As for the rest of those right-wing ideas, one part of my youth offered an escape.

    A sci-fi view of life

    Photo by Donald Giannatti on Unsplash

    I had my religion back then, and it was science-fiction. Even when others scoffed, I had my idols to guide me: Isaac Asimov, Arthur C. Clarke, Carl Sagan, even good old Albert Einstein. And in movie-land, Lucas and Spielberg, among others, were having their heyday. The authors I read put forward a vision of the world that could be better if only we were better. Actually, there’s another sci-fi franchise that borrowed from many earlier writers (such as H.G. Wells) and really perfected that paradigm: Star Trek. To this day, I’m still waiting for those Vulcans to land on Earth, and have us collectively grow the heck up.

    It’s always been hard to fit science (and science-fiction) into the political spectrum. In America, commercialization of scientific discoveries has practically been the nation’s founding mantra—and the reason so many of us, including me, ended up here. From drilling for oil to electric light to the airplane, the discovery of DNA, and the microprocessor, science and industry have gone together. The military has funded many scientific endeavors, from the Manhattan Project to the Internet. Looking at the suit-and-tie-wearing IBM professional from the nineteen-sixties and you might be more inclined to associate science and technology folks with the conservative crowd instead of the wacky-doodle notions of Trekdom.

    Harsh realities, new realizations

    Maybe that’s why I never really thought much about how my big-picture world view collided with my onetime conservatism. Even discovering I was gay didn’t move the needle much from my straitlaced self—at least not at first. It did force me to confront how much my disdain for the partying life was really hidden jealousy—which I think animates lots of conservatives today still. Cue all those jokes about Mike Pence and Lindsey Graham.

    But there was one book in particular that helped push me over the fence: Randy Shilts’ And the Band Played On. Learning how Reagan-era conservatism basically left people to die because their disease at first disproportionately affected gays was a game-changer. Screw the virtues of the free market, or being tough on Soviet Communism. This facet of the Reagan Revolution was just plain wrong.

    I think, back then, you probably could have called me a libertarian—that crowd that proudly calls itself “socially liberal yet fiscally conservative.” To be fair, the social/fiscal dichotomy of today’s conservatism has always been a weird marriage. But it took me a few more years of career and life tribulations to realize that there’s a reason so many well-off, often white folks are fiscal conservatives: hailing from elite career and/or socio-economic backgrounds, they cling to a narrative about the virtue of hard work, a hatred of inefficiency and waste, and a pull yourself up by your bootstraps mentality that’s ingrained in the American psyche.

    A lot more years of wandering, reading and exploring led me to question this notion as well—to say nothing of working with actual die-hard conservatives in the American Midwest. Some takeaways: for one thing, it’s not like conservatives have a monopoly on hard work; early left-wing labor movements celebrated it too. Likewise, the notion that we all start from the same place in life—so-called equal opportunity—has long since been debunked. If there’s one thing this pandemic has made clear, it’s that plenty of disregarded, poorly-paid workers not only work hard, they’re in fact essential to our economy functioning. Although most of us don’t truly support everyone getting the exact same wage, can the difference between an Amazon delivery driver and Jeff Bezos really be justified in anyone’s view of the world?

    My conversion completes

    What finally clinched my ideological journey, however, came when I did those typical grown-up things a smidge later in life: marrying, co-owning a fixer-upper single-family home, and having a child. There were a couple of dimensions to this evolution: for one thing, same-sex marriage was a right we had to fight for, one that didn’t exist yet in this country when I met my spouse. In addition to the obvious side of the political spectrum that put me, there’s another wrinkle I seldom realized for many years: even though I’d been out and proud for decades, like so many LGBTs who’d come of age before it became so normalized, there was always a notion of existing on the margins, on the periphery. An apartment-dwelling single fellow treads with a lighter footprint than a family. Boy, did that become clear while embarking on a massive renovation in one of the most difficult housing markets on Earth. I started to see the side of human experience I sheltered from myself for so long: the bare-knuckled scramble for resources that sadly defines too much of our time in this world.

    I suppose for some that would make them double down on conservatism. It’s a movement that appeals broadly to the whole night is dark and full of terrors outlook on the world. But I couldn’t go back there, not having seen the very clear elements of randomness and inequality of opportunity all round me. There’s too much of a luck factor involved for me to ever take the conservative view of the world seriously, or believe it manages our dealing with the world’s chaos and unfairness most effectively. Consider the obvious advantages of upper-middle-class peers who work in elite financial or tech firms after having a fully-paid ride from Mom and Dad to attend an Ivy League college. Also consider the behavioral changes our unequal world elicits—which I believe explains the nasty, cruel streak that can accompany high performers in the workplace. If this is the best the free market can do, then no question we need to do better.

    The final nail in my conservative coffin, however, was the aftermath of the Occupy movement of almost a decade ago. It may have ended up a mess, but it was the first modern-day movement that actually kickstarted the conversation around inequality, drawing attention to its stunning rise over the past decades—years that almost exactly match the life trajectories of Gen Xers like myself.

    But what, then, of all those familiar critiques, those made on Fox News every night? I can summarize: the poor are (mostly) lazy; the rich earned what they have fair and square; government taxation and spending never works; socialism—indeed any social welfare programs—only lead to lazy people gaming the system. When the MAGA crowd yammers on about the radical left agenda, it’s usually these talking points that stand out.

    Thing is, these are mostly bullshit, oversimplifications or gross exaggerations. Nobody’s shilling for the hyper-statist lunacy of Cold War-era Communism; even Elizabeth Warren said of successful businessfolk: “keep a big hunk of it.” Meanwhile, Reagan’s welfare queens and crack babies barely existed at all, much less to the scary degree he represented. And, as mentioned, examples of the rich not deserving their lot are too numerous to mention—way, way more numerous, it seems to me, than there ever have been welfare queens or crack babies combined. While cheating and gaming the system are always a problem, that cuts both ways—the amount of tax evasion among wealthy individuals and corporations is off the charts these days.

    It’s in the question of taxes and government where I still think conservatives have a shred of a point—but just a shred, not the diseased extreme of Grover Norquist’s wacky-doodle tax pledge. The point is this: large, unaccountable entities are often lousy at getting stuff done efficiently. This is true of bureaucratic corporations and government agencies alike—plenty of large firms are shielded from market competition by the unassailable position they already hold. How to make organizations and institutions better, or reimagine them entirely, is a totally valid conversation to have—but in all the rage and hyperbole, I really don’t hear conservatives making it. “Fiscal conservatism” is often just code for allowing businesses to behave unaccountably—precisely the opposite of what it claims.

    The (hopeful) path forward

    In the end, though, I look back at my past and end up with my old scientists and sci-fi writers—and a line from the Broadway play-cum-HBO mini-series Angels in America: “You believe the world is perfectible and so you find it always unsatisfying.” It’s something the closeted Mormon character, who’s working for Roy Cohn in the story, says to the liberal Jewish gay guy he’s secretly dating.

    That’s where I realized I’d always been progressive even if I didn’t know it. People like me may be less happy with the world as it is than those who think it can’t be changed—or those who don’t give a fuck. But that what motivates us to want to make it better, and never shakes our belief that it’s possible to do so. It’s not so much a rebellious rejection of the status quo as it is an unceasing quest to make things better.

    Way I see it, the political side that’s moving in that direction will always get my vote.

  • Escape From Bougiestan

    Photo by Bernadette Gatsby on Unsplash

    Almost five years ago, my then-domestic partner/now-husband, our two pets, and I, packed our things and moved away from San Francisco’s Potrero Hill neighborhood. The little condo had been my home for over five years, and as is often the case with homes freighted with emotional memory, I wandered the empty space we were about to leave forever, and teared up a bit.

    I was lamenting for more than just reasons of nostalgia, though.

    My tears were because we were leaving Bougiestan.

    That’s my name for it, portmanteau of bourgeois and -stan, the Persian suffix for land or place (hence Pakistan, Turkmenistan, etc).

    Every city’s got these places, well-manicured, upscale neighborhoods of charming older homes, or sparkling new McMansions. I’m not talking just about areas of huge affluence, the Billionaire’s Rows sprouting in a few global cities. No, Bougiestan’s bigger than that: it includes places like Shaker Heights, Ohio; Overland Park, Kansas; The Woodlands, outside of Houston; Philadelphia’s Main Line suburbs; Chicago’s North Side and North Shore suburbs; Palo Alto, California. Pretty much every economically-significant metro area’s got a Bougiestan, the primary nesting grounds of the upper-middle class.

    How My Family Got There

    Nobody alive today knows exactly how my forebears gained admittance to this realm. Sometime in the early 20th Century, one of my grandfather’s brothers moved to South Africa from Eastern Europe, and hit it big there. His wealth spread to other members of that extended family as they leveraged those connections to establish themselves all over the globe. After the Second World War, my grandparents moved to Canada. Although they lost most of their prior wealth in the decade that followed, they nonetheless held on to just enough to remain in Bougiestan. My father, availing himself of the rising postwar economy, kept the party going as a corporate attorney right through my childhood. Only in the stagflation 1970s did my family’s socio-economic situation come under threat, an anxiety that hung over our household for all my teens and beyond.

    For me, however, the die had been cast: the notion of not living in Bougiestan seemed unthinkable. Even in my early years as a wannabe screenwriter and office temp, I always lived in or near upscale neighborhoods—even if only in a studio apartment. While I was fiscally careful about it, for others in my sphere it often meant repeating my parents’ mistakes, overextending themselves to live the lifestyle of their well-to-do cohorts. As offspring came into the picture, the urgency of Bougiestan becomes doubly significant: after all, good neighborhoods have good schools and good amenities…so not living in those places must be tantamount to child neglect and abuse.

    Trouble in Paradise

    But is it? My own memories of bullying and social ostracism—driven partly by the fact that my parents struggled to get by in our little Bougiestan—suggests that life in there isn’t always better. When Tom Hanks’ character in the 1993 film Philadelphia, brings his Latino boyfriend, played by Antonio Banderas, to the Bougiestan he grew up in, Banderas scoffs. He can’t imagine the place being anything less than idyllic. Hanks replies: “those can be some pretty mean streets. Don’t let appearances fool you.”

    While there’s obviously nothing wrong per se with aspiring to live in such places, Bougiestan carries with it much of our current conversation about inequality and the vanishing middle class. It’s also a physical manifestation, in America at least, of the country’s tortured racist past, something I myself wasn’t cognizant of when I first came here two decades ago.

    A History of Nice Neighborhoods

    San Francisco redlining map

    Even the most illiberal of people now agree Southern-style segregation was wrong. Jim Crow is practically shorthand for racial injustice, to say nothing of South African Apartheid or Nazi-era Nuremberg Laws.

    But the reality in America is more nuanced than that: from the 1930s right through the 1960s, banks in America engaged in the practice of redlining, of literally drawing red lines around economically disadvantaged, mostly minority districts, and refusing to lend there. Conversely, many interwar suburbs, Bougiestans both back then and continuing to today, enacted racial covenants prohibiting people of color from residing there.

    While this obviously doesn’t mean that every resident of Bougiestan today is racist, it does mean their lives and lifestyles are built upon that legacy. It means that the property appreciation those people enjoyed, and continue to enjoy, was not shared by all. If there’s one thing our move to a onetime non-Bougiestan neighborhood—rapidly becoming part of Bougiestan thanks to San Francisco’s real-estate market—taught me, it’s that turning a place into a Bougiestan costs money. Big money. All those lovely landscaped yards and gut-rehabbed interiors involve huge expenditures of skilled labor and cash—something that’s in short supply to nearly all of the population.

    My own crocodile tears upon leaving Bougiestan, though, pale compared to how many others see it. It’s perhaps best expressed by a character in an episode of the HBO TV series Big Little Lies, itself set in a Northern California Bougiestan community near Monterey. Laura Dern’s character, wife of a financier, learns her husband’s been convicted of Bernie Madoff-like financial crimes. Her family’s economic standing in jeopardy, she freaks out, and shouts at him:

    “I will not not be rich!”

    If Not Bougiestan, Then Where?

    Dramatics aside, Bougiestan is really just a manifestation of our era of rising inequality, of hyperinflation in critical domains such as education, health care, housing, and retirement. Bougiestan’s residents, in a way, only exacerbate the problem, hoarding the opportunities available to them. In many ways, this isn’t their fault, at least not entirely: while the upper-middle class have undoubtedly benefited from the last four decades of “greed is good” capitalism, its biggest winners and instigators are the truly rich, the rentiers, the financially independent whose income is passive and not primarily earned through wages.

    While there are many standouts among this class who’ve rejected the status quo and look to fix it—Bill Gates, Warren Buffett, and Marc Benioff stand out—too many follow the path of Roger Ailes, Richard Mellon Scaife, and the Koch brothers, for whom inequality is not a problem to be remedied but an inescapable, unchanging reality of the human condition. There will always be poor people, said one young conservative to me at a job at a Midwestern bank years back, and there’s nothing we can do about it.

    I reject this notion, and believe that more than just social policy can fix it (though I support that as well). For all our technological innovations over the past few decades, we in fact live in an era of declining productivity and growth. Most innovation these days is focused on small-ball communications technology (do we really need another social sharing app?) or finance of the type that nearly wrecked the world economy a decade ago.

    Fixing the Real Problems

    This has been good in Bougiestan, for those talented, lucky, and assertive enough to remain in it, but it’s likewise left many millions behind. Compare these last fifty years with the century before it—between 1870 and 1970—when the world catapulted itself from a largely impoverished rural or early-industrial existence to a cornucopia of airplanes, moon rockets, labor-saving, affordable appliances, mass transit and automobiles—and even the foundation of our more incremental-improving times, the microprocessor.

    Technology isn’t the absolute savior, but as rapper Macklemore put it about another social cause, it’s a damn good place to start. Bougiestan and the housing crisis are in fact the same issue, for as long as housing is rare and expensive, even the most basic, Levittown-style living will be unattainable to most.

    But what if we could leverage technology and automation to build housing at one-tenth the cost it is now? Construction is an industry that’s hardly changed at all in centuries. Look around at your home: every cut piece of timber, every brick laid, every drywall panel in every building ever built was applied by hand, with human toil and sweat—just as was done in the time of the Romans. Sure, we have power tools instead of slaves, but little else has evolved. There have been moves in prefabrication here and there, but nothing that’s moved the needle in any big way.

    To that end, the biggest thing that’ll make Bougiestan, or at least more of its trappings, available to everyone, will be the will to make it happen. As World Wars, moonshots, and disease-eradication projects of the past have proved, humankind possesses immense potential to reshape the world. But it’ll take earnest commitment, concerted initiatives—and maybe a little sacrifice—from everyone, in Bougiestan and beyond, to make it happen.

  • My Year-End Facebook Cleanse

    It’s been more than a decade since I gave up soda. Coca-Cola in particular.

    I kept hearing about its harmful health effects. I’d been a committed one-Coke-a-day guy for almost a decade, then a Diet-Coke-a-day guy for most of another. I was sure I was hooked, had less chance of quitting than I would have much stronger stuff. Heck, there’s even evidence that some Cola ingredients are as addictive as any—and let’s not forget, once upon a time, the product contained a certain particularly habit-forming substance that made up part of its name.

    But nope. One day I just stopped and…that was that. Oh, I still drink some from time to time, particularly the Mexican-sourced variety, the one that uses cane sugar instead of high-fructose corn syrup. But once I quit, I never went back to daily or even weekly use. I’m at fewer than one a month these days. And I really don’t miss it.

    I wonder if the same will be true about Facebook.

    I was a (somewhat) early adopter of social media: Friendster in 2003, MySpace in 2004, LinkedIn around 2005, Facebook in 2007, Twitter in 2008. I probably would’ve been on Facebook even sooner if I was of the generation still in school when the platform was using college as a combined exclusivity ticket and way to scale up incrementally. It was a master strategy to build a global online brand that now attracts a surprisingly large fragment of all humanity.

    At first, it made sense, the whole social network thing. Once we had telephone books, newsstands, our own address books, home phones, mobile phones, email. Now we had it all in one place, everywhere, all the time, mated with the capabilities of old-school BBSes and the power of video-capable computing. Social networks went from wonder to utility in a very short time.

    Thing is, this killer app of the Internet age didn’t come free. Lots of them started or scaled as venture-backed enterprises…and VCs don’t run charities. It also had become clear, after the age of Napster and Limewire, that people had a thing against paying for content online. The mindset was: it’s not on physical media; it shouldn’t cost anything!

    Except most of the cost of putting out media isn’t the medium it’s on: it’s paying talented, experienced people to create the content. And paying talented, experienced people to curate it. And paying talented, experienced people to write the code and maintain the systems that keep something like this up and running. For years, people talked about nothing making money online except porn (remember those days?) and nobody having figured out the economics of online advertising. Well, turns out, the economics are alarmingly similar to advertising anywhere else: if there are a lot of people spending a lot of time in one place, that place can sell that value, the value of those eyeballs, to the highest bidder. Best of all, unlike the random spray of TV or print ads, Facebook had all this data on who a person was. Which meant they could sell advertising that was targeted. Micro-targeted. Perfectly targeted.

    That was the devil’s bargain we collectively struck, when we said we didn’t want to pay for something that we knew not to be free. The system found a way to monetize us, effectively turning consumers into the product.

    Now, all that would be fine and dandy in the naïve old world of thinking shitty, bad, fake advertising never works, and that if it did, regulatory mechanisms and/or media gatekeepers would keep it out of the system. Except, that means admitting you’re actually a media company, which Facebook had repeatedly refused to do. I’m only more convinced of this as one of a relatively few people who’s worked in both the creative side of media and the technical side of tech, witnessing over two decades as the latter industry transformed itself from a fringe curiosity to one of America’s economic powerhouses. Because, to steal from Spider-Man for a minute, with great media-company power comes great media-company responsibility.

    I’m not a complete Luddite, of course. I recognize that popular products and innovations have their place, their legitimate reason for being popular to begin with. I also know a number of perfectly fine individuals who work, or have worked, for today’s flavor of Big Blue. And I know the company I’m shunning also owns Instagram, which I still actively use, meaning at least some of the espionage harvested from us all is at least in some tiny way still gleaned from me.

    But Facebook as Facebook? It’s long since stopped being useful for me at connecting with people, given so many other options out there in the wild. I’m already in touch with everybody once long-lost. And so weary had I grown of those endless “feeling happy/sad/grateful” posts that I’d unfollowed pretty much everybody, save a dozen or two close family and friends whose lives and opinions really matter to me. Well, that and a few legitimate news sites, the ones close to the top of that pyramid of responsibly-fact-checked, sober journalism.

    But why do I need Facebook for that if I can just download the Atlantic app? And the New York Times app? And (platform plug) Medium? And, for photos, Instagram, where pictures are worth a thousand far less nasty and discordant words than what’s found on their literal big brother.

    We’ll see how long this lasts. Maybe it’ll take a bunch of us on a Facebook vacation for the social media behemoth to tinker with its core product, re-evaluate its role in the world, and lure us back with an improved, sounder offering. Or maybe I’ll find it harder than I think, quitting a two-billion person entity cold turkey. For now, I’m logged out on all devices. I’ll post articles like this one to my Facebook feed from outside. Need to reach me? Try me in one of these other spots.

    We all moved to Facebook once. We can move again.